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      • Open Access Article

        1 - Hegel, Marx and Gramsci on State and Civil Society
        محمدتقي  سبزه‌اي
        The purpose of this article is the comparative survey of three contrastive theoreticians- Hegel, Marx, and Gramsci- on state, civil society and their relationships. Hegel assumed the civil society as a combination of three systems; the economical, legal and cohesive (po More
        The purpose of this article is the comparative survey of three contrastive theoreticians- Hegel, Marx, and Gramsci- on state, civil society and their relationships. Hegel assumed the civil society as a combination of three systems; the economical, legal and cohesive (police and their related classes) which stand between the family and the state; which ultimately substitutes the state. Marx considers the civil society as the domain of work and everyday life, which is a totally economical and apolitical domain. Unlike Hegel and Marx, Gramci observes the civil society as a cultural sphere. The result of this theoretical comparative analysis shows that although these three contrasting theorists of philosophical principles assume a similar and common society as the base of their analysis, their conclusions on the society’s pattern structure differs with each other. Hegel substituted the three-dimensioned pattern of “family-civil society-state” with Aristotle’s classic two-dimensioned pattern of “family-city state”. Also Marx’s substructure pattern (on civil society) and superstructure (state) changed for Gramsci to the substructure (economic) and superstructure (civil society = nongovernmental organs + state). Gramci’s state is a combinative state compiled of the satisfaction of “mastery + power” and therefore it is both the substructure and the superstructure. Manuscript profile
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        2 - Comparative Study of the Analytical and Methodological Frameworks of Oil Studies and Politics
        سعید  میرترابی
        This paper aims to show that, during the past four decades, the literature on Rentier State, contrary to popular opinion, has not been consistent, whether in content or in methodology. Based on their methodological framework, the studies have been classified into two d More
        This paper aims to show that, during the past four decades, the literature on Rentier State, contrary to popular opinion, has not been consistent, whether in content or in methodology. Based on their methodological framework, the studies have been classified into two distinct types. The first generation of studies emerged in 1970s, but their failure at explaining the situation of oil-rich countries and clarifying the consequences of fall in oil incomes sever criticisms. The criticisms in connection with the first wave of the studies provided a ground to revise the methodology, and the way of conceptualizing foreign rents and their assessments. This resulted, particularly since 1990s, in the second wave of studies a wave that could be considered as revisionism. This approach brought new variables into the studies. It paid more attention to the historical background of oil-rich countries and the historical periods when oil incomes raised (with respect to the various stages of formation of the government and the regime in power). It focused on the interrelationship between oil rent and social and political condition of these countries, avoiding structural look to the oil rents. Some of the supporters of the new approach proposed new criteria for evaluation of oil incomes. This approach offered the possibility of more complex analyses, especially in the areas of political stability and democratic transition in the oil-rich countries, analyses that better explain different experiences of the oil-dependant states. Manuscript profile
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        3 - Modern State, National Army, and Conscription
        Vhid sinaee
        National armies, and conscription are institutions that established by nation-state. Because the state’s claim on exclusive dominatation over and the legitimate use of force in a specific territory required formation of military institutions, i.e. national army, and co More
        National armies, and conscription are institutions that established by nation-state. Because the state’s claim on exclusive dominatation over and the legitimate use of force in a specific territory required formation of military institutions, i.e. national army, and conscription. This link was established through the legal- theoretical foundations of the state, i.e. national sovereignty, and nationalism. In this context, nation served as a source of human forces to military organizations, and conscription, which in turn helped strengthen and stabilize the modern state. Manuscript profile
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        4 - The Crisis in Nation- State and its Possible Future
        ایوب  امیرکواسمی
        The current upheavals suggest that nation-state has lost its functional tenability; that is because the supposed basic functions of such systems that were maintenance of ideology, economics, culture, and so on at the national level are facing crises. Nation-state can no More
        The current upheavals suggest that nation-state has lost its functional tenability; that is because the supposed basic functions of such systems that were maintenance of ideology, economics, culture, and so on at the national level are facing crises. Nation-state can no longer fully implement their political ideals at national areas. In the functionalist approach, the existence of institutions depends on their functions, so with no place for their functions, the survival of nation-state will be unintelligible .The principle objective of this paper is to study a possible future of nation-states and their successors. The method of the study is reasoning. The results of this paper include two important points: the development of statehood and the formation of global political order based on democracy. Manuscript profile
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        5 - Modernity and Formation of Modern Political Theory
        seyedreza shakeri
        Modern political theory is of great value for its inner authenticity and outer implementations; but how this theory has been formed? The hypothesis of this study is that the modernity invented and formed the forces which caused dramatically changes in foundations and im More
        Modern political theory is of great value for its inner authenticity and outer implementations; but how this theory has been formed? The hypothesis of this study is that the modernity invented and formed the forces which caused dramatically changes in foundations and implementations of modern theory. Two primary factors are important here: scientific thinking as grounding factor, and new politics (modern state), which emerged aftermath the collapse of medieval ages as outer factor. New scientific thinking prepared the context for such an evolution by transforming the concept of nature, and in the realm of politics by concentrating on power and distancing form the idea of “excellent city”. So, the modern political theory emerged as an effective and referential framework for illustrating the political life and offered solution for political problems. By separating between new and old political theories in a historical sense, this paper attend to show the formation of modern political theory in modern era and how it separated from old world; it also illustrate the characteristics of modern political theory and its new practical implementations; the results indicate that modern political theory was credible and successful for relationship between its theoretical ideas and values and its practical implementations in socio-political life; a task of modern theory which is in danger and doubt, in the ear of globalization. Manuscript profile
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        6 - Ibn Khaldun‘s “Loyalty” (Asabiyah) and Social Capital; an Analysis of Political Stability
        aliakbar asadi kaviji Abolfazl Shakoori
        Political stability and social order and, vice versa social decline and decay, are in the center of political and social thought. Centuries ago, an Islamic thinker, Ibn Khaldun discussed social order and political stability and gave a theory in regard of Loyalty (Asabiy More
        Political stability and social order and, vice versa social decline and decay, are in the center of political and social thought. Centuries ago, an Islamic thinker, Ibn Khaldun discussed social order and political stability and gave a theory in regard of Loyalty (Asabiyah). Nowadays, the debates on social order and political stability have focused on the concept of “social capital”, and specific attitudes have developed among researchers. The aim of this paper is content analysis of Ibn Khaldun thought about Asabiyah, by comparing it with the concept of social capital; claiming that this can be done by a comparative study between new and traditional concepts. In this method we can throw a new light on the thinker’s thought in order to reload his thought for contemporary era and solving some of problems of current society. Manuscript profile
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        7 - The Globalized Politics; Restructuration of Political Order in the Sphere of Globalized State
           
        The power of the state that was constituted under the dominant Westphalia system, and characterized by the it’s supreme power according to Hegelian tenets, has changed and decreased due to the globalization process in one hand, and the postmodernism theory in the other More
        The power of the state that was constituted under the dominant Westphalia system, and characterized by the it’s supreme power according to Hegelian tenets, has changed and decreased due to the globalization process in one hand, and the postmodernism theory in the other hand, especially regarding to the citizenship concept and international law. Globalization is such a process that globalizes politics and makes it as a network in a global village and shapes a new public sphere. In this new sphere the citizens are free from the intervention of the power possessing the sole legitimate use of power. Additionally the postmodern theory, that considers the state as one of the actors in the international relations and tries to reshape the forgotten sub-systems, form the new components of the new state. This new state is called globalized state because of the acceptance of deinstitutionalized norms in the international system and deconstruction of inflexible Westphalia system. Accordingly this article, s hypothesis is that, three lines of change, including the non-nationalized state, non stated state and politico-economic institutionalized regimes, all led to the transition of the state to the new form and content named as globalized state. Manuscript profile
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        8 - Political Sociological Analysis from Discourse Perspective: Rationale and Epistemological Outcomes
        علي  حسن‌پور Aliapshraf Nazari
        In recent years, due to evolutions like globalization, expansion of communication, and the formation of new social movements, classic concepts of political sociology like state, ideology, power, groups and social system, class and so on undergone deep changes; so that i More
        In recent years, due to evolutions like globalization, expansion of communication, and the formation of new social movements, classic concepts of political sociology like state, ideology, power, groups and social system, class and so on undergone deep changes; so that is seems Marxist theories, positivism and behaviorism theories, Weberian analysis of society and state, elitism, functionalism, pluralism and corporatism all seem to be unable to analyze the contemporary societies. In recent years, the discourse theory could make connections between elements like power, ideology and culture and found many applications in different areas of humanities especially political sciences. It is attempted in this article, after comprehending the discourse theory, the nature of state, the base of social groups’ formation, power, culture, “new social movements” and kinds of discourses quarrel in social area to turn into the hegemonic discourse, to review and analyze the role of subject in political struggles and “status of state” from the perspective political sociology. Some of the most significant results of this study include: the outweighing of culture as the arena of struggle and encounters, attending to “representations”, the plurality of views and interests, desegregation of different areas of society and bringing the power conflict into society and “street” spaces and so on. Manuscript profile
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        9 - Iran’s intellectuals in Qajar era and the Transition Possibilityfrom "Government-oriented Pattern" to the "State-oriented Pattern
        مهدی کاظمی زمهریر
        In the ancient time, the government was at the center of theories, with consideration to the given religious nature of political community and desirable arrangement. By the entrance of modern thoughts into Iranian world in Qajar era, we witnessed the destruction of thes More
        In the ancient time, the government was at the center of theories, with consideration to the given religious nature of political community and desirable arrangement. By the entrance of modern thoughts into Iranian world in Qajar era, we witnessed the destruction of these beliefs and the need to rethink about them. The intellectuals were in charge of these affairs. How much they were successful in rethinking of these beliefs? The intellectuals faced with practical obstacles in the inherited beliefs from ancient time. So like the ancient thinkers, they set the right use of political authority as the main subject in their theories, Instead of addressing the foundations of political community and government. However,to rethink political orders and the application of political powers by the government was not possible without knowing about the nature of political community. So with reception of implicit theory about political community and by the use of “common good” and “general rights” by intellectuals, they rethought about dominion theory and the relation between religion and political order and stated a new theory about government. But the result was a gradual tension between the old beliefs and the new beliefs of political order and the appearance of juridical modern political theories. Although these theories tried to resist against new political order, But for the first time, instead of characteristics of an ideal ruler, they had to pay attention to the nature of political community. So the appearance of intellectual thought could put the query of government’s nature and political community in the center of political theories of Iran’s thinkers, and pave the way for gradual transition from "Government-oriented pattern" to the "State-oriented pattern" of political theories. Manuscript profile
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        10 - A Critical Study of Class-based Analysis about Election Behavior of New Middle Class (Iran’s Presidential Elections Seventh (1995) and Ninth (2003) Periods)
        سعید میرترابی سيد مهدي  ميرعباسي
        Between 1995 and 2003 many of critical factors for development of new middle class like economic growth, expansion of cities, improvement of education and literacy,development of political institutions and state bureaucracy and so… continued to growth and, as a result, More
        Between 1995 and 2003 many of critical factors for development of new middle class like economic growth, expansion of cities, improvement of education and literacy,development of political institutions and state bureaucracy and so… continued to growth and, as a result, we can expect for a larger middle class in this period. On the other hand, in many of class-based analyses about presidential elections results in 1995 and 1999 in Iran, scholars focused on new and recently developed middle class role in shaping election results and victories of slogans about political development. But in presidential election in 2003 (in first round) candidate who represents political development slogans lost and in second round despite of heavily rally of Reformists in support of rival candidate, winner candidate has no any relation to political wishes that usually respect to new middle class. The article, tries to explain this dilemma and shows that ”there is a structural condition that can called “Rentier state” economic structure in Iran that constrains class-based analyses in explaining election behavior of new middle class and in forecasting election results.Wecannot stress heavily on factors that relate to quantitative expansion of middle class and its role on shaping elections wishes of different groups in society.”The article stresses on structural factors related to political economy of oil in shaping social layers in oil rich countries and shows how these factors help shaping a special middle class that necessarily have not those characteristics and wishes that is relate to this social group in standard theories of political development. Manuscript profile
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        11 - Language and Politics: Pragmatic and Strategic Aspects of Language in Imam Khomeini's Leadership in the Process of Islamic Revolution in Iran
        seyedreza shakeri
        Islamic revolution realized in Iran under the leadership of a religious leader. Although the leader was in exile but he had strong connections with his followers despite his deprivation of communication means. This issue in this paper is the basis of reviewing the relat More
        Islamic revolution realized in Iran under the leadership of a religious leader. Although the leader was in exile but he had strong connections with his followers despite his deprivation of communication means. This issue in this paper is the basis of reviewing the relationship between language and politics; so the paper tries to explain pragmatic and strategic aspects of language in Imam Khomeini's leadership in the process of Islamic revolution. In the field of study of relationship between language and politics, there are two general approaches: politics as theory and knowledge and politics as power and the realm of collective action to sustain or to change the current situation. This paper, by focusing on the second approach and by using the theories of language competence and language pragmatics in the realm of media and in mobilization of mass, will try to examine influential functions and pragmatic aspects of language in Imam Khomeini's thoughts. The findings indicate that Imam Khomeini as a scholar in mystics, ethics and jurisprudence and by his own classification of Islamic sciences introduced the pragmatism as the core of those sciences and used the language along political and revolutionary actions. Mobilizing the mass, criticizing and opposing the current situation and inviting the people to realize the Islamic state are among Imam Khomeini's pragmatic aspects of leadership. Manuscript profile
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        12 - Efficiency as the capacity of state: Political Approach to Efficiency
        Mohammad kamalizadeh  
        In this article we seek to attribute that to evaluate the effectiveness of government and political system, With reference to structural-functional systems theory to the theoretical framework. The main question in this article, is seeking for reliable indicators for the More
        In this article we seek to attribute that to evaluate the effectiveness of government and political system, With reference to structural-functional systems theory to the theoretical framework. The main question in this article, is seeking for reliable indicators for the effectiveness of government from the perspective of political science. To answer this question, efficient capacities in the form of six capacities there for any government, will be discussed. Six potential monopoly of the legitimate use of force, extraction, shaping national identity, regulatory identity, maintaining internal and redistributive cohesion, in this article has been studied as indexes of government effectiveness. In this paper, our perception of efficiency can be considered as duties or common authorities in addition to great symmetry with economic understanding and management of this concept, linked with the key concept of "power" in political science. In this concept of efficiency, has been considered to the actual position of governments in countries and communities today, with an emphasis on the duties, powers and abilities as well as their expectations. This notion of efficiency, the closest and most functional conception of the concept of efficiency in political science which can be a reliable basis and theoretical framework for research on the effectiveness of the government. Manuscript profile
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        13 - Second Generation of Intellectualism, Absolute State and the Problematic of Modernity
         
        The intellectual orientation of various generations of Iranian intellectalism has been shaped from the context of involvement and thinking in the issue of decadence and Underdevelopment, the way of exit from it, and finally the relation of traditional legacy and the wes More
        The intellectual orientation of various generations of Iranian intellectalism has been shaped from the context of involvement and thinking in the issue of decadence and Underdevelopment, the way of exit from it, and finally the relation of traditional legacy and the western modernism in the process of development. This article attempts to analyze the position and coordinates of such a discussion for second generation of intellectualism, i.e. a group of Iranian intelluctuals that had intellectual-political activity orienting toward the establishment of Pahlavi State. The first part of article analyzes the transition process of constitutional State to the theory of new authoritarian and absolute State and the combination of people, groups and publications that realized such evolution. The second part of article provides an image of controversies and views being common between this generation and about the issue of modernity and the way of confronting it. In this part of article, the views are classified under two approaches of “modernity with minimum Iranian manipulation” and “selection-based modernity and adaptation with native conditions” and views of figures and supporting groups have been explained. The last part of article answers to the origins of the lack of deepening the issues related to the issue of decadence and modernity in this generation and more focus on the more objective dimensions of renovation and the way of its realization. Manuscript profile
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        14 - Anarchism ideological orientation towards the State and its realization in the age of globalization: (According to rereading of George Woodcock and Saul Newman Theory of Anarchism)
        mohamad ali tavana Mahmoud Alipour Roghayeh  Azizpour Merzoni
        The State has been discussed as highest as the executive branch within the territorial boundaries. The State-at least in modern age- is manifestation of the relationship of power and domination that existed in all communities. Anarchism as an ideology, is pessimist towa More
        The State has been discussed as highest as the executive branch within the territorial boundaries. The State-at least in modern age- is manifestation of the relationship of power and domination that existed in all communities. Anarchism as an ideology, is pessimist toward the institution of “government” and “governmental power”, and considers every kind of institution as a destructive factor of moral and social life of humans. On the other hands, in the age of globalization, as the recent political social situation, the elements of dominance are faced with major challenges. One characteristic of the idea of globalization is reliance on the intellectual context of postmodernism movement that challenges the values of the modern era. The main feature of this movement is the rejection of absolutism, that In this regard, does blames structure that is formed by the Power and State, and involves in the critique of domination in the political community. Based on this fact, this question is raised that considering the pluralism and the critique of the popularism, in “globalization” situation, is there a route for the assertiveness the “Anarchism” ideology. Our hypothesis would be that in the age of globalization, Due to the Expanding Decentralization approach in different domains, It can be said that State powers is scattered and their tasks is limited and on the other It can be said the Dream of a society without State, and moral society based on “Anarchism …” can be realize in some areas. Therefore it can be attempted to explain and analyze the fate of government in the globalization situation by rereading the ideology of Anarchism-in the viewpoints of two of most prominent of contem rorery intellectuals of this school; “George Woodcock” and “Saul Newman”. Manuscript profile
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        15 - The Role of Civil Institutions on the Effectiveness of the State in Iran; Determining and Prioritizing the Indices1
         
        This research examines the role of civil institutions on the efficiency of state in different domains and with different qualities. To examine this for judicial, legislative and, executive powers separately, different indexes are suggested and are prioritized based on t More
        This research examines the role of civil institutions on the efficiency of state in different domains and with different qualities. To examine this for judicial, legislative and, executive powers separately, different indexes are suggested and are prioritized based on the opinioins of excperts. This research is descriptive-explanatory in its nature and uses both quantitive and qualitive methods in a composition that will be explained in the paper. According to the results, the highest priority is related to the executive system and to the role social institutions have in increasing the transparency of the executive power. On the contrary, the lowest priority is for the role social institutions have in how the representatives of judicial system are chosen for its different tasks. The latter is something that calls for more investigations. Manuscript profile
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        16 - Violence in the civil state of Hobbes: Rereading Leviathan
        mohamad ali tavana  
        Leviathan is one of the first modern political philosophy texts, which attempt to replace regular civil state of market society and the bourgeois state with the state of nature in which is war of all against each other. Now, the question is: Is civil state of Hobbes is More
        Leviathan is one of the first modern political philosophy texts, which attempt to replace regular civil state of market society and the bourgeois state with the state of nature in which is war of all against each other. Now, the question is: Is civil state of Hobbes is free of violence? It seems that the transition from the state of nature to the civil state is not end of violence, but besides the obvious activist violence, it reinforces more hidden forms of violence including action-accepting and symbolic violence (Hypothesis). This article, in order to understanding and analyzing the types of violence in the civil state of Hobbes, uses the theoretical framework of Slavoj Zizek (theoretical framework). It seems that the origin of activist violence, action-accepting and symbolic in Hobbes's civil state can be found on several factors; The first is that the social phobia that is affected by the evil nature of human still continues in civil state. Second, in the civil state of Hobbes, the governor that has superior authority (sovereignty) is the exception. Third, the ruler for containing the unleashed violence of nature of state, resorts to the force of law, common law and morality, which itself is repulse, repression and Constraint. In other words, it makes a part of citizens in favor of other part, exclusion, repression or limit (the findings). The present article uses Text- author centered hermeneutic method (method). Manuscript profile
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        17 - Feasibility of Adapting the Hegel's Desirable State with the Doctrines of Modern Totalitarian States
        Mohammad Abedi Ardakani seyyed ali asghar baghrinejad
        Some states were established, in the twentieth century, which are characterized by the title of “Totalitarian”. They consist of a wide range including conservatives, fascist radical right-wingers and communist radical left-wingers. The nature and behavioral style of the More
        Some states were established, in the twentieth century, which are characterized by the title of “Totalitarian”. They consist of a wide range including conservatives, fascist radical right-wingers and communist radical left-wingers. The nature and behavioral style of these governments are manifest in their doctrines or policies which are more or less rooted in the past. Hence, some thinkers like Karl Popper and Schopenhauer contain that Hegel was one of the philosophers whose trace of thought can be seen in these doctrines. Now, the main purpose of this article is to clarify the validity of this claim by adapting the most important features of Hegel's theory of state with the doctrines of the totalitarian states of the twentieth century, mainly from Nazi or fascist type in Germany and Italy between the two world wars. For this reason, the main question of the present study is: “has Hegel theorized about his desired state in a way that is consistent with the doctrines of the twentieth-century totalitarian states?” The findings of this study suggest that, although it is possible that notions may be found in Hegel's thoughts that are misunderstood or misused by totalitarian states, but overall, what Hegel has proposed about the state and its features is entirely different from the doctrines of the totalitarian states of the twentieth century. This study is descriptive-analytic with a documentary-historical approach and collecting the appropriate data for analysis is done in a library-based way. Manuscript profile
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        18 - A Study of State-Bazaar Relations in the First Decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1357-1368)
        Vhid sinaee sara akbari
        After the Islamic Revolution, the relationship between the state and the traditional bazaar as a socio-economic institution changed. At the beginning of the revolution, prominent members of the bazaar community took control of large sections of Iran's economy through th More
        After the Islamic Revolution, the relationship between the state and the traditional bazaar as a socio-economic institution changed. At the beginning of the revolution, prominent members of the bazaar community took control of large sections of Iran's economy through the management of revolutionary and state institutions, and established close relations with the leaders of the Islamic Republic. But in the following years, there were changes in these relationships. For studying this transformation and explaining the relationship between state and the bazaar in the first decade of the Islamic Republic, it can be hypothesized that in the mentioned decade, there were no similar policies towards the bazaar. The Provisional or Movaghat state believed in liberal policies in the field of economics, but under the influence of the resolutions of the Revolutionary Council, the revolutionary conditions and the post-revolutionary unrest, it practically implemented the resolutions of the Revolutionary Council. With the fall of the Provisional government and the rise of left-wing state, traditional bazaar power was challenged, especially in the political and economic spheres. On the contrary, the bazaar tried to prevent the state from dominating the economy and the private sector. The research method is explanatory and data collection is library and documentary. Manuscript profile
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        19 - Arendt’s Political Thought and the Possibility of Change in International Relations
        Homeira  Moshirzadeh Arya Moknat
        According to mainstream IR theories and, in particular, realism, violence is and will remain to be an essential and inseparable part of international relations. All variations of realism view human nature and/or intentional system as inherently violent. Hannah Arendt’s More
        According to mainstream IR theories and, in particular, realism, violence is and will remain to be an essential and inseparable part of international relations. All variations of realism view human nature and/or intentional system as inherently violent. Hannah Arendt’s theory of political power as a non-violent and collective human action challenges this fundamental assumption and offers a new perspective on what constitutes the essence of politics. Arendt’s idea of “human condition” rejects all forms of essentialism with regard to human beings and opens up a theoretical space for a new understanding of international relations where human beings become the primary political agents (despite the fact that she sees the existing international relations more from a realist point of view). Contrary to mainstream IR theories in general, and to realism in particular, for Arendt the individuals, rather than the states, are ultimately the main players in international relations. In this paper, we bind different aspects of Arendt’s political thought together to offer a new theoretical perspective for a possible change in world politics. Manuscript profile
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        20 - The Theory of Oriental Despotism and Nature of State and Society in Pre-Modern Iran
        h k
        In its various narratives, the theory of Oriental despotism has been the dominant analytical framework for understanding the nature of state and society in pre-modern Iran. The main product of this theory's application has been presenting the state's image as an arbitra More
        In its various narratives, the theory of Oriental despotism has been the dominant analytical framework for understanding the nature of state and society in pre-modern Iran. The main product of this theory's application has been presenting the state's image as an arbitrary and strong organization in the face of a fragmented society with dependent, weak, and passive social forces. According to such an analysis, the state's fundamental features, society, and the relations between them have not undergone a qualitative change from the beginning of history until now despite all the apparent changes in Iran's history. The first purpose of this article is to present a report on the origins of oriental despotism theory, its application by Western and Iranian scholars for analysis of the Iranian history, identification of its core themes about the nature of state and society, and the reasons for its popularity in the post-revolutionary period. The essay shows that despite the long history of this theory, it has been redesigned in the context of a political-theoretical conflict between the Leftist groups and their critics during the 1950s and 1970s. The article considers the hegemony of this approach after the Islamic Revolution due to the invalidity of Orthodox Marxism's analytical framework and capabilities this theory to provide a simple yet understandable answer to the problem of economic and political underdevelopment. The second aim of this article is to reveal the inadequacy of the theory and its results in analyzing the nature of the Iranian state and society. It emphasizes that the mentioned view has practically blocked the way for a "truly" historical sociology of Iran and a correct understanding of the nature of the state, society, and their interactions with one another. Manuscript profile
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        21 - Critique of Homayoun Katozian's view of "Iranian tyranny"
        Abdolrahman  Hassanifar
        One of the common theories focused on politics, society, and state in Iran is the "theory of despotism". Many Iranian and non-Iranian thinkers have commented and even theorized about why and how the emergence, formation, and continuation of "despotism" in Iran. Mohammad More
        One of the common theories focused on politics, society, and state in Iran is the "theory of despotism". Many Iranian and non-Iranian thinkers have commented and even theorized about why and how the emergence, formation, and continuation of "despotism" in Iran. Mohammad Ali (Homayoun) Katozian is one of the Iranian scholars who have proposed the view of "despotism" on the history of Iran. In Katouzian's view, Iranian society and state have historically been in a cycle of "despotism, chaos, chaos, and despotism". In this view, Iranian society has always been either plagued by despotism or by chaos, conflict, and strife. Katozian's view emphasizes the comprehensive impact of authoritarian political power on other dimensions of society. The question is whether Katozian's view of Iranian despotism is a result of the whole of Iranian history? The findings indicate that Katozian's view is not relevant to the entire history of Iran and this article examines this discrepancy. The method of the article is descriptive-analytical. Manuscript profile
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        22 - Explaining the relationship between state and society: from one-sided frameworks to reciprocal links
        sara akbari Vahid sinaee Mehdi  Najafzadeh eslami eslami
        Explaining the relationship between the state and society is one of the most important theoretical challenges in political science. In a theoretical conflict and as a result of numerous criticisms of one-dimensional explanations of society or the state, the key question More
        Explaining the relationship between the state and society is one of the most important theoretical challenges in political science. In a theoretical conflict and as a result of numerous criticisms of one-dimensional explanations of society or the state, the key question is to what extent univariate and one-sided theories have the power to explain and answer why and how the relationship between state and society is and what are their shortcomings. This article first seeks to critique the analytical tradition in the literature on government-society relations and then explain the components of historical institutionalism as one of the approaches in political science. According to this view, the government and society have mutually influenced each other in their historical process. This view sees the power of the state and the manifestation of this power in connection with the power of the society and considers the existing institutional arrangements in society and their transformation as the product of the connection of power structures in a historical process. The main components of this theory are “important milestones, path dependence, timing and sequence, events, design, and institutional transformation”.¬ The analytical framework presented in this paper is based on systematic attention to how institutional arrangements are established and consolidated in the context of time, and therefore rather than having the characteristics of specific theories, it is introduced as a general theoretical framework. It may have more power to analyze the role of institutions in the social sciences in general and political science in particular. Manuscript profile
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        23 - The fourth industrial revolution and its human dangers in quasi-modern authoritarian political systems
        Seyyed MohammadReza  Mottaghi hasan khosravi Bijan  Abdolkarimi Bijan  Abbasi
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5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0cm; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:11.0pt; font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family:Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;} </style> <![endif]--></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center; text-indent: 14.2pt; line-height: 95%;" align="center"><strong><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 95%; color: black;">Feasibility of Adjusting Human Rights Risks Affected by the Fourth Industrial Revolution in Political Structures Based on Pseudo-Modern Authoritarianism</span></strong></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right; line-height: 95%; mso-pagination: none; margin: 0cm -.05pt .0001pt 25.25pt;" align="right"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 95%; color: black; letter-spacing: -.3pt;">Seyyed Mohammad Reza Mottaghi<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">*</span></a></span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right; line-height: 95%; mso-pagination: none; margin: 0cm -.05pt .0001pt 25.25pt;" align="right"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 95%; color: black; letter-spacing: -.3pt;">Hassan Khosravi<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title="" href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">**</span></a></span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right; line-height: 95%; mso-pagination: none; margin: 0cm -.05pt .0001pt 25.25pt;" align="right"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 95%; color: black; letter-spacing: -.3pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>Bijan Abdolkarimi<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title="" href="#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">***</span></a></span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right; line-height: 95%;" align="right"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 95%;">Bijan Abbasi<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title="" href="#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">****</span></a></span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; text-indent: 14.2pt; line-height: 95%;"><a name="_Hlk160321101"></a><span style="color: black; letter-spacing: -.3pt; mso-bidi-language: FA;">The Fourth Industrial Revolution represents a transformative wave in the industry with the potential to impact various facets of human existence, promising widespread individual and societal prosperity. However, it also presents a significant risk, particularly for governments not firmly rooted in democratic principles, who may be tempted to assert control over their citizens due to the expanded capabilities afforded by this revolution. Such a scenario, if realized, threatens the emergence of new dictatorships and erodes the individuality of citizens. This article, employing an analytical-descriptive approach, seeks to explore the multifaceted human rights crises precipitated by these conditions. It endeavors to address the question: How can individual freedoms and human and citizenship rights be safeguarded against governmental encroachment in this era? Based on the results of this research, due to the expansion of capabilities arising from the Fourth Industrial Revolution, the potential for government abuse is increasing more than ever, inviting all political structures towards authoritarianism. Consequently, to prevent this situation and safeguard the rights and freedoms of citizens, the current governance models need to be re-evaluated, emphasizing on aspects of enhancing freedoms. These changes should aim to reduce the intrusion of governments into personal spheres as much as possible, moving towards absolute neutrality.</span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk160321101;"><strong><span style="color: black;">Keyword:</span></strong><span style="color: black;"> The fourth industrial revolution, authoritarianism, cyber dictatorship, pseudo-modern government and artificial intelligence.</span></span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /> <div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; line-height: 95%;"><a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 95%; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">* PhD of </span></a><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 95%; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">Public law, North Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. </span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; line-height: 95%;"><span style="font-size: 9.0pt; line-height: 95%; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">mohammadreza.mottaghi@iranian.ac.ir </span></p> </div> <div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; line-height: 95%;"><a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title="" href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 95%; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">** </span></a><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 95%; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">Corresponding Author: Associate Professor, Department of Public Law, Payam Noor University, Tehran, Iran.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; line-height: 95%;"><span style="font-size: 9.0pt; line-height: 95%; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">h.khosravi@rey.tpnu.ac.ir</span></p> </div> <div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; line-height: 95%;"><a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title="" href="#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 95%; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">*** Associate Professor, Departme</span></a><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 95%; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">nt of Philosophy, North Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. </span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; line-height: 95%;"><span style="font-size: 9.0pt; line-height: 95%; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">abdolkarimi12@gmail.com</span></p> </div> <div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; line-height: 95%;"><a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title="" href="#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">****</span></a> <span style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 95%; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">Associate Professor, Department of Public Law, University of Tehran, Iran.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; line-height: 95%;"><span style="font-size: 9.0pt; line-height: 95%; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">Bizhan_abbasy@yahoo.com</span></p> </div> </div> <p>&nbsp;</p> Manuscript profile
      • Open Access Article

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        mehdi rouzkhosh Ahmad khaleghi dameghani
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5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0cm; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:11.0pt; font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family:Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;} </style> <![endif]--></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%;"><span style="color: black;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and artificial intelligence.</span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center; line-height: 97%;" align="center"><strong><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 97%; color: black;">The Emergence of a New Concept of Homeland in Iran during the Age of Renewal (19th Century C.E.)</span></strong></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center; line-height: 97%;" align="center"><strong><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 97%; color: black;">(Case Study: The Political Thought of Mirza Malkam Khan Nazem al-Dowleh)</span></strong></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%;"><strong><span style="font-size: 13.0pt; mso-bidi-language: FA;">&nbsp;</span></strong></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;" align="right"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt;">Mehdi Roozkhosh<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1"><sup>*</sup></a></span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;" align="right"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>Ahmad Khaleghi Damghani<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title="" href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2"><sup>** </sup></a></span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%;">&nbsp;</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; text-indent: 14.2pt; line-height: 97%;"><span style="color: black; letter-spacing: -.3pt; mso-bidi-language: FA;">This paper aims to investigate the formation of a new concept of homeland in the political thought of one of the most prominent Iranian intellectuals of the nineteenth century, Mirza Malkam Khan Nazem al-Dowleh. The data was collected through documentary and library methods, and analyzed using content analysis approach, which is a recognized qualitative method for text analysis in many humanities studies, including intellectual history studies. However, considering the research topic, the analytical framework of Quentin Skinner was selected for examining the political ideas that explore the views of intellectuals in relation to the "issue" of the historical era. This research indicated that the new concept of homeland in 19th century Iran emerged in response to the "progress" issue. Iranian intellectuals of the 19th century saw the establishment of a modern nation-state as a way for Iran to overcome underdevelopment. Since the concepts of state, nation, and homeland (country) are interconnected in the new political thought, one of the key requirements for establishing a national state was to redefine homeland as a common property of the nation, replacing the traditional narrative that considered the homeland as the property of the king. Due to the lack of supportive legal traditions in Iran, this was particularly significant. The need for laws to establish an independent sovereignty to strengthen the new concept of homeland required legislation, which Mirza Malkam Khan pursued with his proposal for regulatory laws to establish a modern bureaucracy, laying the theoretical foundation for it in Iran. His efforts to establish a "regulated absolute government" represent the first legal interpretation of the new concept of homeland in modern Iran. The concept of "regulations" in Malkam Khan's political thought, more than any other concept, illustrates the endeavor to establish this system. Emphasizing the organization of the bureaucratic system as a necessary condition for advancing the homeland over prioritizing nation-building in the formation of the modern concept of homeland by him signifies his commitment to progress in the state-building process.</span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; text-indent: 14.2pt; line-height: 97%;"><span style="color: black; letter-spacing: -.3pt; mso-bidi-language: FA;">&nbsp;</span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%;"><strong><span style="color: black;">Keywords:</span></strong><span style="color: black;"> Progress, Homeland, State, Nation, Regulations.</span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /> <div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%;"><a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">*</span></a> <span style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">Corresponding Author: Ph.D in Political Science, Tarbiat Modares University of Iran.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%;"><span style="font-size: 9.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">roozkhosh.mehdi@gmail.com</span></p> </div> <div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%;"><a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title="" href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">**</span></a> <span style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Tehran, Iran. </span><span style="font-size: 9.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: 'B Nazanin';">drkhaleghi@ut.ac.ir</span></p> </div> </div> <p>&nbsp;</p> Manuscript profile
      • Open Access Article

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5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0cm; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:11.0pt; font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family:Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;} </style> <![endif]--></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center; text-indent: 14.2pt; line-height: 97%;" align="center"><strong><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 97%; color: black;">Critique of the Idea of Government Neutrality </span></strong></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center; text-indent: 14.2pt; line-height: 97%;" align="center"><strong><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 97%; color: black;">in the Views of Ronald Dworkin</span></strong></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 97%; tab-stops: 219.15pt;"><strong><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 97%; color: black;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; </span></span></strong></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 25.5pt; text-align: right; text-indent: -17.0pt; mso-pagination: none;" align="right"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; color: black;">Afshin Khakbaz<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">*</span></a></span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right; line-height: 97%; mso-outline-level: 1;" align="right"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 97%; color: black;">Seyyed Alireza Hosseini Beheshti <a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title="" href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">**</span></a> </span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right; line-height: 97%; mso-outline-level: 1;" align="right"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 97%; color: black;">Seyyed Ali Mahmoudi<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title="" href="#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">***</span></a></span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: right;" align="right">&nbsp;</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; text-indent: 14.2pt; line-height: 97%;"><span style="color: black; letter-spacing: -.3pt; mso-bidi-language: FA;">One of the fundamental concepts that categorizes intellectuals who speak within the framework of liberalism into various groups is autonomy itself and its limits and boundaries. Among these categories, one can refer to the division between supporters of government neutrality and perfectionism, or in other words advocates of non-intervention or government intervention in relation to different aspects of life, which place liberal thinkers in two distinct camps in terms of the limits and boundaries they advocate for. Dworkin constructs his theory of equality based on two principles of concern and equal respect and unique responsibility and extracts government neutrality and autonomy from these two principles. Like many advocates of government neutrality, he attaches importance to autonomy; however, he does not endorse absolute autonomy and advocates for limits and boundaries. He distinguishes between autonomy and authenticity, considering autonomy to have a narrower scope than authenticity. Dworkin, while opposing the adoption of paternalistic policies by the government, does not outright negate government intervention in various areas of political and social life, deeming such interventions to some extent necessary and unavoidable. This article, utilizing a descriptive-analytical approach, critically examines the concept of autonomy and its position in Dworkin's intellectual framework and seeks to answer the question of what place autonomy and consequently neutrality hold in Dworkin's thought. Ultimately, this article concludes that although the restriction of autonomy in his views, especially regarding equality in resources, is more than he admits, a paternalistic viewpoint stands out in certain aspects of his theory of resource equality.</span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; text-indent: 14.2pt; line-height: 97%;"><span style="color: black; letter-spacing: -.3pt; mso-bidi-language: FA;">&nbsp;</span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%;"><strong><span style="color: black;">Keywords:</span></strong><span style="color: black;"> Ronald Dworkin, State neutrality, Autonomy, Authenticity, Paternalism.</span></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /> <div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">*</span></a> <span style="mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman';">Corresponding Author: Ph.D Student of Political Thought, Tarbiat Modares University, Iran.</span></p> <p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="font-size: 9.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman';">afshinkhakbaz2012@gmail.com</span></p> </div> <div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title="" href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">**</span></a> <span style="mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman';">Assistant Professor, Political Science Department, Tarbiat Modares University, Iran.</span></p> <p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="font-size: 9.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman';">abeheshti2002@yahoo.com</span></p> </div> <div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: kashida; text-kashida: 0%; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title="" href="#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">***</span></a> <span style="mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman';">Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of International Relations, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Iran.</span></p> <p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: left; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="font-size: 9.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman';">mahmoudi3000@gmail.com</span></p> </div> </div> <p>&nbsp;</p> Manuscript profile