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        1 - "Islam and Modernity" in the Thoughts of Seyyed Jamaleddin Asad Abadi
        mohamad ali tavana
        The confrontation of Islam and modernity have taken different forms in the thoughts of Islamic thinkers. Among those, the perception of Seyyed Jamaleddin Asad Abadi from Islam and modernity can be the outset of a new view that considers the adaptation and unification of More
        The confrontation of Islam and modernity have taken different forms in the thoughts of Islamic thinkers. Among those, the perception of Seyyed Jamaleddin Asad Abadi from Islam and modernity can be the outset of a new view that considers the adaptation and unification of these two discourses as the solution to retardation and imperialism in Islamic countries. Seyyed Jamaleddin Asad Abadi believed that the key to breaking free from Imperialism and retardation lies in re-interpretation of Islam, but this re-interpretation should be realized within the modernity discourse. In fact Seyyed Jamaleddin Asad Abadi first makes a distinction between modernity and the West, and then seeks the non-Western modernity. Therefore, the re-interpretation of Islam in the thoughts of Seyyed Jamaleddin Asad Abadi leads to the re-construction of a modern but non-Western identity. That is why the answer of Seyyed Jamaleddin Asad Abadi to the crisis of Islamic societies in 19th century- retardation and Imperialism- is Islamic modernism as a distinguished and different identiy from the Western one. Manuscript profile
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        2 - The Relation between Self and Political Power in St. Augustine’s Thought
        mohamad ali tavana
        St Augustine’s Confessions is the first autobiography in western literature. It introduced first- person point of view to western thought. First- person point of view is an initiation to the concept of ‘self’. The City of God is the only work of St Augustine’s to episod More
        St Augustine’s Confessions is the first autobiography in western literature. It introduced first- person point of view to western thought. First- person point of view is an initiation to the concept of ‘self’. The City of God is the only work of St Augustine’s to episodically include his political philosophy, and therefore a good reference to understand his views on the subject. The present article is to examine the relation between ‘self’ and ‘political power’ in St Agustin’s thought, employing an intertextual approach. In doing so, we will start by discussing the process of formation of ‘self’ in his thought. Then will refer to the ontological and epistemological origins of political power in The City of God. At the end, it is shown that the sense of ‘self’ has an instrumental approach to ‘political power’. Manuscript profile
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        3 - John Rawls’ Theory of Political Justice: A Solution for the Contradiction between Equality and Freedom
        mohamad ali tavana
        To find a solution to obviate the contradiction between equality and freedom is one challenging problem in political philosophy. All schools- from liberal to multiculturalist- have tried to solve the it. One important attempt is John Rawls’ theory of political philosoph More
        To find a solution to obviate the contradiction between equality and freedom is one challenging problem in political philosophy. All schools- from liberal to multiculturalist- have tried to solve the it. One important attempt is John Rawls’ theory of political philosophy where he puts forward political liberalism as a key concept. Taking a critical approach, the present article studies Rawls’ theory. In doing so, it employs an analytical framework, and the method of content analysis. Firs, it introduces the basic elements and principles of the theory, then it examines how compatible or contradictory they are with conclusions made, and finally discusses the (in)efficiency of the theory in obviating the problem of freedom and equality. Manuscript profile
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        4 - Ideal political Society in Sheikh Mohammed Ismail Mahallati' Political Thought
        mohamad ali tavana Mahmoud Alipour
        It seems that every political thought in itself, contains an ideal political society. This ideal society can be apparent, such as Farabi' utopia or the hidden and latent, Such as Sohrevardi' ideal society. Theorizing About political ideal is result of social and politic More
        It seems that every political thought in itself, contains an ideal political society. This ideal society can be apparent, such as Farabi' utopia or the hidden and latent, Such as Sohrevardi' ideal society. Theorizing About political ideal is result of social and political crisis. One of the most turbulent periods in the history of Iran is Qajar era, which is faced with different crisis such as absolute power and colonialism. This crisis led to contemplate the many thinkers and each according self- effort to have a response to this crisis. One of the thinkers is Sheikh Mohammed Ismail Mahallati that his political thought is less considered. It seems that he answers to this crisis and his political ideal is different from other thinkers in this era. Accordingly, the central question of this paper is that: What is the Mahallati specific reply to crisis of constitutionalism era? And how is his ideal political society? What are its features? And Finally, What relationship exists between justice and public interest in his ideal society. Manuscript profile
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        5 - Comparison of Authoritarian Government and the Relationship of People with Government in Ghazali and Hobbes
        mohamad ali tavana farzad azarkamand
        This article studies the basics of forming powerful government and the relationship between people with government in Ghazali and Hobbes thought. Special view of both of the thinkers to nature of human is intellectual foundation of forming authoritative government. Acco More
        This article studies the basics of forming powerful government and the relationship between people with government in Ghazali and Hobbes thought. Special view of both of the thinkers to nature of human is intellectual foundation of forming authoritative government. According to the four human traits, Ghazali tries to educate the divine human that acts passively under divine governance. Since religion and politics don’t separate from each other in Ghazali’s view, so in government, divinity of these traits joins to politics and powerful government. But Hobbes believed that human have power demand and warrior nature in addition, in primary and natural human condition, the war has been going on against each other. And human try to rescue themselves according to their wisdom. So, they established an authoritative government with their foresight. Therefore, the subject of both of them is largely same, but their processing is different. It means that both of these intellectuals lived in restless period, and the necessity of security causes them to resort to authoritative government. On the other hand, both of these intellectuals assign passive roles for people; however, Ghazali’s argumentation method is canonical and Hobbes’s method is rational. Moreover it seems that the rational theory of Hobbes – accepting the possibility of insurgence-paves the way for going beyond the authoritative government, although the canonical theory of Hobbes leads to one type of reproduction of authoritative government. Manuscript profile
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        6 - The Archetypes and Political Myths of Modern age: Based on the theoretical framework of “Carl Gustave Young”
        mohamad ali tavana farzad azarkamand
        “Carl Gustave young” is one of the most prominent contemporary intellectuals who studied the subject of Archetypes and their reproduction in modern political myths framework. From young’s view, the Archetypes are included as categories that are inherited from forefather More
        “Carl Gustave young” is one of the most prominent contemporary intellectuals who studied the subject of Archetypes and their reproduction in modern political myths framework. From young’s view, the Archetypes are included as categories that are inherited from forefathers and lineages and consists some parts of our unconscious. The Archetypes showed off in the frame of myths and fables ; but- in contrary to enlightenment prediction-not only they did not eradicate , but also they expose the modern political life to much changes. One of its prominent changes is the formation of modern political ideologies and mass movements. Simply said, the Archetypes continue to live in another form in modern age. Based on this fact, this essay tries to study the relationships between modern political myths and Archetypes, Based on the theoretical framework of “Carl Gustave Young”. The main question of this essay is: How do the Archetypes reproduce in modern human’s soul? The hypothesis of this essay is that these Archetypes have sediment in unconscious of human and the modern charismatic leaders have activated them again through rearticulating of Archetypes. The approach of this essay is ideology (Knowing thought). It means that it reconstructs the formation process of Archetypes in modern age. The method of the essay is also qualitative content analysis. It means that it deals with analyzing (derivation, argumentation for or against) the ideas and concepts related with Archetypes. We can consider the most important finding of the present research as following: in the recent modernity age, the Archetypes exist in human’ unconscious and the psychological and social crises (like confusion among tradition and modernism) can provide this opportunity for authoritarian charismatic leaders to activate them again. Simply said, in the current age, the context of totalitarian ideologies formation-based on Archetypes -is provided Manuscript profile
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        7 - Anarchism ideological orientation towards the State and its realization in the age of globalization: (According to rereading of George Woodcock and Saul Newman Theory of Anarchism)
        mohamad ali tavana Mahmoud Alipour Roghayeh  Azizpour Merzoni
        The State has been discussed as highest as the executive branch within the territorial boundaries. The State-at least in modern age- is manifestation of the relationship of power and domination that existed in all communities. Anarchism as an ideology, is pessimist towa More
        The State has been discussed as highest as the executive branch within the territorial boundaries. The State-at least in modern age- is manifestation of the relationship of power and domination that existed in all communities. Anarchism as an ideology, is pessimist toward the institution of “government” and “governmental power”, and considers every kind of institution as a destructive factor of moral and social life of humans. On the other hands, in the age of globalization, as the recent political social situation, the elements of dominance are faced with major challenges. One characteristic of the idea of globalization is reliance on the intellectual context of postmodernism movement that challenges the values of the modern era. The main feature of this movement is the rejection of absolutism, that In this regard, does blames structure that is formed by the Power and State, and involves in the critique of domination in the political community. Based on this fact, this question is raised that considering the pluralism and the critique of the popularism, in “globalization” situation, is there a route for the assertiveness the “Anarchism” ideology. Our hypothesis would be that in the age of globalization, Due to the Expanding Decentralization approach in different domains, It can be said that State powers is scattered and their tasks is limited and on the other It can be said the Dream of a society without State, and moral society based on “Anarchism …” can be realize in some areas. Therefore it can be attempted to explain and analyze the fate of government in the globalization situation by rereading the ideology of Anarchism-in the viewpoints of two of most prominent of contem rorery intellectuals of this school; “George Woodcock” and “Saul Newman”. Manuscript profile
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        8 - Violence in the civil state of Hobbes: Rereading Leviathan
        mohamad ali tavana  
        Leviathan is one of the first modern political philosophy texts, which attempt to replace regular civil state of market society and the bourgeois state with the state of nature in which is war of all against each other. Now, the question is: Is civil state of Hobbes is More
        Leviathan is one of the first modern political philosophy texts, which attempt to replace regular civil state of market society and the bourgeois state with the state of nature in which is war of all against each other. Now, the question is: Is civil state of Hobbes is free of violence? It seems that the transition from the state of nature to the civil state is not end of violence, but besides the obvious activist violence, it reinforces more hidden forms of violence including action-accepting and symbolic violence (Hypothesis). This article, in order to understanding and analyzing the types of violence in the civil state of Hobbes, uses the theoretical framework of Slavoj Zizek (theoretical framework). It seems that the origin of activist violence, action-accepting and symbolic in Hobbes's civil state can be found on several factors; The first is that the social phobia that is affected by the evil nature of human still continues in civil state. Second, in the civil state of Hobbes, the governor that has superior authority (sovereignty) is the exception. Third, the ruler for containing the unleashed violence of nature of state, resorts to the force of law, common law and morality, which itself is repulse, repression and Constraint. In other words, it makes a part of citizens in favor of other part, exclusion, repression or limit (the findings). The present article uses Text- author centered hermeneutic method (method). Manuscript profile
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        9 - Constitutional Thinkers' Perception of the Concept of Equality
        mohamad ali tavana Mohammad kamkari Mohammad Javad  Mostafavi Montazeri
        Simultaneously with the constitutional movement and the change of the political system from (absolute monarchy to constitutionalism), the debate over the idea of equality became popular among the thinkers of this era. But the question is that what was the thinkers’ atti More
        Simultaneously with the constitutional movement and the change of the political system from (absolute monarchy to constitutionalism), the debate over the idea of equality became popular among the thinkers of this era. But the question is that what was the thinkers’ attitude of this age (constitutionalists and sharia seekers (Mashroehkhahan)) about equality? Based on the four categories of ontological meaning, dimensions, realm and scope of inclusion, the present article examines the perception of constitutional thinkers of equality. The method of the present article is text-based reading. The findings of the study are as follows: Constitutionalist religious thinkers such as Naini and Mahallati emphasized the legal (rather than natural) equality of the nation, including the equality of religious minorities and women in civil and social dimensions (rather than religious). And they recognized specifically political equality only for the wise men of the nation. Constitutionalist secular thinkers such as Akhundzadeh and Talibov, and moderate constitutionalist thinkers such as Mostashar al-Dawla and Malkum Khan at the same time emphasized the natural and legal equality of the nation in the civil, social and political dimensions in the public sphere. In contrast, sharia seekers (Mashroehkhahan) such as Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri, Ali Akbar Tabrizi, and Najafi Marandi believed in natural inequality (especially from a religious perspective) and saw the civil, socio-political equality of religious minorities and women as opposed to the inherent superiority of Islam. Manuscript profile
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        10 - An analysis of the benefit-basic approach of liberal Institutional to the international environmental regime
        mohamad ali tavana Aghil  Mohammadi hamid vahadi
        Theoretically, there are three approaches to international environmental regimes: an approach of benefitsic liberal Institutionalism, the knowledge-based constructivism, and the power of realism. This article tries to analyze the implications of the liberal-mindedness n More
        Theoretically, there are three approaches to international environmental regimes: an approach of benefitsic liberal Institutionalism, the knowledge-based constructivism, and the power of realism. This article tries to analyze the implications of the liberal-mindedness non-ideological axis approach for international environmental regimes. The findings of this paper show: In an approach to the benefits of liberal Institutional, international environmental regimes are built on the basis of two variables of international institutions and environmental interests. Institutional co-operation is directed at covering global governance and environmental commonalities based on rational choice. This approach also shows that the cooperation of international bodies for the management of global environmental issues, which have strong rational justifications, not only regulates the international anarchy, but also reduces environmental costs. This article uses the methodology of thematic knowledge. Manuscript profile
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        11 - Kuhnian and Lakatosian's Political Order: Flexible or Hard?
        mohamad ali tavana خلیل اله سردارنیا
        Kuhn's paradigm and Lakatos's scientific research program, as two competing methodological traditions, created new perspectives on the history of science and knowledge/truth. This article tries to bridge the methodology of these two historians of science to theoretical More
        Kuhn's paradigm and Lakatos's scientific research program, as two competing methodological traditions, created new perspectives on the history of science and knowledge/truth. This article tries to bridge the methodology of these two historians of science to theoretical politics, and raises the following questions: What political order does Kuhn and Lakatos's methodology imply? Is this political order hard (rigid) or soft (flexible)? How do these political orders change? This article tries to answer these questions based on the principle of compatibility (compatibility of results with basic principles). This article shows that the Kuhnian and Lakatosian's political order are both based on competition and conflict; But once established, they create a hard to semi-rigid order, the former accepting pluralism and change (reform) only within the framework of the hegemonic paradigm, and the latter merely on marginal issues that are not dangerous to the hard core of power. Nevertheless, the revolution in Kuhnian's political order is a little easier than Lakatosian's. Kuhn's relativistic methodology accepts that there is no superior substantive order; Thus, in a critical situation, that is, the loss of efficiency and the consensus of the elites, we can move towards a new order. But Lakatosian's historiographical methodology creates a more conservative order; Because he emphasizes that the hard core of the political order must be given the opportunity to reveal all its potential in the context of history, and it can only give way to a new political order if it does not produce empirical and theoretical content. In general, these orders are anti-dissident. Manuscript profile