The Role of the War Metaphor in Homer’s Conceptualization of Politics

per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392025-011935133articleThe Role of the War Metaphor in Homer’s Conceptualization of PoliticsSeyed Hashem Monirise.moniri@mail.um.ac.ir1Seyyed Hossein Athariathari@um.ac.ir2Mahdi Najafzadehm.najafzadeh@um.ac.ir3eslami eslamiEslami.r@um.ac.ir4Ph.D Political Science (Political Thoughts), Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran.Associate Professor Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran.Associate Professor Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran.Assistant Professor Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran.The aim of this research is to understand and explain the reasons behind the use of conceptual metaphors in various domains of politics, which is a manifestation of the public sphere, through the provision of the theoretical model of George Lakoff and Mark Johnson. The essence of politics is connected to action and is composed of two premises: command and obedience, and friend and enemy. Its ultimate goal is inevitably a specific and attainable objective, namely the protection of society and victory in war and politics. Thus, the cognitive process and conceptualization of politics are invoked through the category of war. The primary question is: What conceptual metaphors underpin the conceptualization of politics in Homer’s Iliad? By categorizing eight domains—attack, defense, retreat, maneuver, counterattack, stalemate, truce, and defeat/victory—the findings of the research show that conceptual metaphors, based on the sensory-motor approach and stemming from the embodied mind, can be conceptualized into two components: 'action' (war) as the essence of politics and 'rhetoric.' In this way, the conceptual domain of politics (target) is understood in terms of the conceptual domain of war (source).   Introduction In its broadest sense, ‘politics’ is an activity through which people determine, maintain, and reform the general rules governing their lives, thus closely intertwining it with phenomena of conflict and cooperation. To resolve the conflicts, disputes, and issues that arise, a necessary policy must be devised for overcoming them (Heywood, 2021: 9). One possible way of resolving emerging issues and disputes is war. In war, the political arena is divided into two groups, friend/enemy (Schmitt, 2021: 55), with each side attempting to address conflicting needs and opposing interests either through compromise or, ultimately, through warfare. The process, methods, and context for establishing such a framework closely relate to the nature of political science, which is concerned with the exercise of power, authority, collective decision-making, and the allocation of scarce resources. The reflection of such actions, which manifests in the public sphere, society, and the political domain, is linked to language, mind, and culture. Within this framework, the use of metaphorical expressions and the conceptualization of politics, aiming to convey and persuade audiences, emerges not only in daily life but also in political literature. Thus, this study seeks to address the question of what ‘conceptual metaphors’ underpin the conceptualization of politics in the Iliad, attributed to Homer, by identifying, analyzing, and interpreting its metaphorical expressions.   Research Methodology This study is an applied research conducted using a qualitative-exploratory approach, and the necessary data were gathered through a library-based method. After transcribing the text and converting it into a ‘Word’ document, the corpus was analyzed using ‘corpus linguistics’ as a field within linguistics focused on analyzing large collections of text data (Litosseliti, 2017: 140). Utilizing qualitative data analysis software, the corpus under study was coded, concepts were identified, and categories were established.   Theoretical Framework Metaphorical thought is pervasive in our mental lives, whether conscious or unconscious, and is commonplace and omnipresent (Lakoff & Johnson, 2021: 286). The widespread presence of political language in society references the role and status of political ideology, particularly politics and its agents, within the political sphere and society. This presence encompasses two frameworks: agency and passivity, with influence being conveyed ‘indirectly’ through the transfer of metaphorical concepts from the speaker to the audience. In the process of conceptual transfer, certain aspects of metaphorical expressions are highlighted, while some aspects of reality are obscured. Understanding what is hidden by metaphor is linked to culture, values, and context, as metaphorical expressions drawn from the ‘source’ are invoked to understand the ‘target’ domain within a cultural framework and alternative prototypes (Kövecses, 2020: 32 & 539). Metaphorical structure, in fact, comprises an inter-domain mapping between a source and a target domain, in which one is understood in terms of the other according to a left-to-right unidirectional principle (Kövecses, 2019: 25), distinguishing it from ‘metonymy,’ which is limited to a single domain (Lakoff & Turner, 2020: 166). Thus, when we consider politics as ‘war’ or a ‘being,’ we gain the capacity to quantify, categorize, and interpret it. Within the structure of the conceptual metaphor system, the conceptual domain from which we draw metaphorical expressions to comprehend another domain is termed the source domain, while the domain being understood is termed the target domain. The source domain is generally more physical and concrete, while the target domain is more abstract and mental (Croft & Cruse, 2019: 275). Therefore, war is more concrete, physical, and tangible compared to politics. In the corpus of The Iliadand The Odyssey, after examining metaphorical expressions, the conceptual metaphor ‘politics is war’ is identified. Additionally, the key concept of both books is ‘war. Figure 1:.The hierarchical model of the metaphor "Politics is War"   Thus, the nature of politics is intertwined with war and the concepts of friend and enemy. A study of the Iliad reveals that the conceptual metaphor "politics is war" serves as a tool for understanding the specific cognitive approach to the text in question. This demonstrates that metaphor is closely connected to the nature of language and politics, with roots in human creativity, ideology, and thought.   Figure 2.Structural analogies between the concepts of "war" and "politics" and their linguistic realizations <table> <tbody> <tr> <td width="102"> Warring Parties </td> <td width="366"> Political leaders and combatants prepare themselves to attack or defend their viewpoints. </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="102"> Attack </td> <td width="366"> A fateful conflict arose between Agamemnon, son of Atreus and king of the people, and Achilles the brave, born of the lineage of gods. </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="102"> Defense </td> <td width="366"> Let one of us stand beside Achilles in turn, supporting his strength and valor. </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="102"> Retreat </td> <td width="366"> Now it compels me to return to Argos, shamed by having led so many men to ruin. </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="102"> Maneuver </td> <td width="366"> For all power and strength belong to him [Zeus]. </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="102"> Counterattack </td> <td width="366"> [Achilles to Agamemnon]: In arduous and fervent endeavors, it is my arms that accomplish the great deeds. But when it comes to the division of spoils, the best share is yours. </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="102"> Ceasefire/ Victory/ Defeat </td> <td width="366"> "O Greeks, hold your hands, cast not your arrows; it appears that brave Hector wishes to speak with us." </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> Source: (See Lakoff and Johnson, 2021).   Research Findings Quantitative Findings From the corpus of the twenty-four hymns in the Iliad, approximately 152,640 words were analyzed, revealing that metaphors constitute about 13% of the text. Using qualitative data analysis software, 565 codes were extracted, transformed into concepts, and ultimately categorized into eight stages. The frequency of linguistic metaphors is as follows: Enemy (204), Commander (143), Battlefield (93), Revenge (5), Ambush (29), Destruction and Devastation (98), and Victory (152).   <h4>Discussion: Homer’s Conceptualization of Politics</h4> The political realm possesses a relational nature, and politics, as the intersection of the philosophical and the political (or theory and practice), becomes a domain where diverse and multifaceted potentialities of human existential and political life are actualized. Accordingly, political science not only involves the theoretical study of how the political system operates but also pursues a practical goal oriented toward achieving a good and just life in the political community. In this context, Greek warriors such as Achilles and Odysseus make distinct life choices between the grandeur of life and death on the battlefield or a comfortable life with longevity. One chooses to die in battle for revenge and glory, leading to a short life (Iliad, 22:478; Odyssey, 3:604), while the other, through cunning and stratagem (Odyssey, 1:573), opts for a long life. In other words, the eternal glory of battle and the return home represent two modes of life or the dichotomy between “reality” and “value.” Thus, Homer, in the Iliad and the Odyssey, strives to depict these two ways of life, oscillating between “politics” and the “political.”   Conclusion The conceptualization of politics and embodied cognition represents a dynamic relationship and an interactive state with the physical, social, and cultural environment. Additionally, the conceptualization of politics and embodied cognition is problem-oriented, operating in relation to existing needs, interests, and values, and utilizing theological and mundane techniques for persuasion, modeling, and comprehension. Furthermore, the theoretical and practical consequences of the metaphor of war correspond to praxis in a conceptual sense. Homer does not view theory and practice, or in other words, politics and the political, as entirely separate and distinct; prior to the centrality of "political philosophy" in the works of Plato and Aristotle, these two aspects were not distinguished from one another. This is because "theoria," or the activity of theorizing, and political participation each represented forms of praxis, albeit in limited ways. In Aristotelian terms, the political sphere is manifested within the second mode of life in ancient Greek society, confined to "political praxis." In this mode, "practical" or "political" life is the way of life of the politician or commander, located within the course of destiny and the everyday concerns of the polis. This mode has a temporary, human, potential, dynamic nature, framed within a "relational identity" (us/them and friend/enemy). In contrast, in politics—which, in Heideggerian terms, has an ontic nature and is defined by its empirical realm—it is eternal and unchanging. For this reason, the political represents the antagonistic and conflictual dimension of the public sphere. To further elucidate this concept in the terms of Hannah Arendt, political action occupies a prominent position in the society of Homeric heroism. A person who acts as a responsible member of the polis never reaches "an end" in their action, because every political act requires "others" [relational identity, the friend/enemy antagonism between Troy and the Achaeans]. However, the heroes can, at any moment, achieve their objective, which is "to act" as the "good human." On the other hand, the polis serves as the "stage" where individuals display their talents and present themselves in the public eye. Shame, or aidôs, in the public sphere, and the protection of the city while combating enemies, reduces "politics" to "force," as courage, duty, and a sense of pride are connected to their actions. Therefore, the most critical discourse in Homer occurs in the ninth book of the Iliad, where Phoenix speaks to Achilles, using the metaphorical language of the art of war (action, political praxis, and the antagonistic dimension of the political) and rhetoric (politics and theorization). Thus, the Iliad reflects war and, in a way, praxis and action, which is enacted with the aim of antagonizing the existing order and opening possibilities for life.   Keywords: Conceptual Metaphor, George Lakoff, Conceptualization of Politics, War, Iliad.   References Croft, William and Alan Cruse (2019) Cognitive Linguistics, translated by Jahanshah Mirzabeigi, Tehran: Agah. [In Persian] Heywood, Andrew (2021) Politics, translated by Abdolrahman Alem, 10th edition, Tehran: Nei. [In Persian] Homer (2014) The Iliad and The Odyssey, translated by Saeed Nafisi, 2nd edition, Tehran: Hermes. [In Persian] Kövecses, Zoltán (2019) Metaphor: A Practical Introduction, translated by Jahanshah Mirzabeigi, 3rd edition, Tehran: Agah. [In Persian] Kövecses, Zoltán (2020) Language, Mind, and Culture: A Practical and Useful Introduction, translated by Jahanshah Mirzabeigi, 3rd edition, Tehran: Agah. [In Persian] Lakoff, George and Mark Johnson (2021) Metaphors We Live By; with an Appendix on Contemporary Metaphor Theory, translated by Jahanshah Mirzabeigi, 4th edition, Tehran: Agah. [In Persian] Lakoff, George and Mark Turner (2020) More Than Cool Reason: A Field Guide to Poetic Metaphor, translated by Mona Babaei, Tehran: Neviseh Parsi. [In Persian] Litosseliti, Lia (2017) Research Methods in Linguistics, translated by Maryam-Sadat Fayyazi, Rasht: University of Gilan. [In Persian] Schmitt, Carl (2021) The Concept of the Political, translated by Soheil Safari, 4th edition, Tehran: Negah Moaser. [In Persian]           <a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">*</a> Ph.D Political Science (Political Thoughts), Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran. seyedhashem.moniri@mail.um.ac.ir <a href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2">**</a> Associate Professor Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran. <a href="mailto:athari@um.ac.ir">athari@um.ac.ir</a> <a href="#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3">***</a> Associate Professor Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran. <a href="mailto:m.najafzadeh@um.ac.ir">m.najafzadeh@um.ac.ir</a> <a href="#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4">****</a> Assistant Professor Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran. <a href="mailto:Eslami.r@um.ac.ir">Eslami.r@um.ac.ir</a>http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/40541Conceptual Metaphor George Lakoff Conceptualization of Politics War Iliad.per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392025-0119353565articleDesign and Critique of 'The Politics of Recognizing the Rights of Minorities' in the School of Ommunitarianism with Emphasis on the Works of Charles Taylorkeyvan bahmanibahmani.b1375@gmail.com1seyedmojtaba Azizyseyedmojtabaazizi@gmail.com2Ph.d Student of Political Sociology, Imam Sadegh University, Iran. Assistant Professor, Department of Islamic Studies and Political Sciences, Imam Sadiq University, Iran.One of the recent dilemmas of modern governments is the "rights of minorities," which political thinkers have also paid special attention to in recent decades. There are two reasons for this: first, the primary liberal rights that have gradually been organized since the Enlightenment do not meet the demands of new groups; second, the theories of citizenship that have emerged since World War II are also unable to solve these problems in liberal democracies. The emergence of liberal multiculturalism theories is the result of these challenges. Charles Taylor, a great communitarian philosopher, has criticized liberal multiculturalism theories. He believes that it is possible to pursue collective goals in a society while at the same time not harming the basic liberal principles that include individual rights and freedoms. Taylor's emphasis is on "non-assimilation" and "establishing a criterion for identifying rights" so that minority rights can be recognized without "pity." However, Taylor's view also has several major flaws, including: focusing on geographically concentrated minorities and not explaining non-concentrated minorities, failing to provide a suitable criterion for distinguishing between fundamental and non-fundamental rights, and most importantly, national minorities are not seeking "equal value," but rather they are seeking "equal status."   Problem statement: Today, most countries are culturally diverse. Conflicts between minorities and majorities exist in all societies, just as they have in the past. Minority groups include ethnic, racial, and religious minorities, and many other categories can exist based on different classifications. The existence of these groups raises questions for governments and these groups themselves: What is the responsibility of minorities towards national unity? Should political positions be distributed in accordance with the principle of national or ethnic proportionality? Should internal divisions of countries be such that a religious or ethnic minority forms a majority in a particular region? What language should be accepted as the official language in government offices, institutions, and national media? Is it the government's duty to invest in promoting different ethnic languages? What is the government's duty towards religious minorities? Minorities and majorities are increasingly clashing over issues such as language, regional autonomy, the election of politicians, educational programs, and citizenship. Moreover, in recent decades, the diversity of these groups has increased, as movements such as feminism have given rise to various groups that, while perhaps not differing from the majority in terms of ethnicity, race, or even religion, see themselves as marginalized in social institutions and politics based on different criteria. The existence of traditional minorities (ethnic, racial, and religious) with their specific political and legal demands, coupled with the emergence of such new groups (feminism), has crystallized the issue of "recognition politics," which entails recognizing minorities, as a necessity for governments in practice and for intellectual schools in theory. Therefore, intellectual schools and governments are in urgent need of taking a stance and developing an acceptable theory in this regard; a theory that can address the demands for recognition and legitimization of diverse identities. Before the recent developments, it was assumed that liberalism had found a suitable solution to these questions. Liberals claimed that fundamental liberal rights, based on individual humanity, could determine what rights should be given to minorities and what limitations and powers should be assigned to the majority and their decisions. However, developments such as decolonization, the formation of new nation-states, the phenomenon of nationalism, and increased migration have led to widespread criticism of liberal responses to these questions. Critics typically view liberal "assimilation" policy as one in which liberal governments, in addressing issues such as "equal rights for individuals," have adopted a homogenizing policy that ignores differences and effectively deprives minorities of the differences they seek. Because of these criticisms, a solution has been adopted, namely "multiculturalism." The recognition politics that liberal multiculturalism has presented has also been criticized by communitarians. Therefore, neither earlier liberal theories nor their newer theories under the title of multiculturalism have been able to properly understand the differences that minorities seek, and communitarians have criticized both views. Charles Taylor, a communitarian philosopher, has, through a critique of multicultural recognition politics, developed a "recognition politics" that seeks to "see differences."   Discussion Taylor offers two major developments in the modern era to answer the question of why the "need for recognition" has become so important today. First, with the collapse of the old hierarchical order, the concept of "dignity" has emerged in place of "honor." In the traditional order of the past, individuals had their own special dignity based on their place in that hierarchy and the class into which they were born, and they found their identity based on it. Nevertheless, with the collapse of this order, everyone has equal dignity, and a universal equal dignity has prevailed. The second transformation stems from an individualized identity; a specific way of being that belongs to me, what is now called the "ideal of authenticity." This involves a moral transformation, in that previously, an individual needed to look to a source outside of themselves, such as God or the "exemplary good," to distinguish right from wrong; but now, in order to become complete and distinguish between good and evil, a person must look within himself or herself. Morality is not an external matter, but an internal call, and we must turn to the depths of our being. Understanding the origin of this moral transformation, Taylor identifies a contradiction in governments' recognition policies towards minorities. On the one hand, after the replacement of honour with dignity, a Universalist policy has emerged according to which all citizens have equal dignity and, because of their equal human dignity, everyone should be given equal respect. As a result, a policy of equalizing rights emerges. According to this, concepts such as "first-class citizen" and "second-class citizen" have no meaning and should be avoided. On the other hand, the second change, namely the expansion of the modern understanding of identity, has created a "politics of difference." According to this, each person should be recognized for their different identity. But recognition here has a different meaning. In this recognition, differences are considered that if someone ignores these differences on the pretext that all people have equal rights and moves towards "homogenization," they have betrayed the ideal of authenticity. Therefore, although the origin of both principles is "equal respect," they ultimately oppose each other, because based on the principle of equal respect, we must treat people without considering their differences, and based on the other principle, we must recognize "specialness." The criticism of the first principle against the second is that it ignores the principle of non-discrimination, and the criticism of the second principle against the first is that by ignoring people's identity, it forces them to conform to a single form. According to Taylor, many liberals believe that any political unit that encourages specific collective goals is flawed in two ways. First, collective goals may impose restrictions on individual behavior that violate their rights. Second, supporting the collective goals of an in-group may, in itself, be discriminatory. In contrast, Taylor initially states that liberalism cannot claim neutrality. Liberalism is a militant creed. Then, Taylor accepts another reading of liberalism that differs from that of most liberals. According to Taylor, those who pursue collective goals offer a different definition of a liberal society. In their view, society can be organized around a definition of the "good" without diminishing the value of those who disagree with this definition. If that good required collective pursuit, then that issue should become a matter of public policy. According to this view, the criterion of a liberal society is how it interacts with minorities who do not accept the common definition of good and what rights it considers for them. These are the rights that are known today as fundamental rights; the right to life, freedom of speech, and the free exercise of religious duties. This is Taylor's chosen view. Furthermore, criticizing "liberal multiculturalism," Taylor presents recognition politics based on five principles: 1. It should not be homogenizing. 2. It should not limit basic liberal rights. 3. In recognition, the assumption of "equality of cultures" should be considered. 4. Recognition should not imply "pity." 5. Recognition should arise from "awareness" and be "criteria-based" so as not to fall into the abyss of groundlessness."   Conclusion The homogenization of liberalism, as manifested in modern governments, has marginalized ethnic, racial, and religious diversities. The disregard for differences, which liberals advocated, not only failed to liberate cultures in their practices but also caused them to dwindle within majority cultures. With the increase of phenomena such as migration and crises such as asylum-seeking, many countries, including "multicultural" countries, have emerged. Some liberal thinkers, the most prominent of whom is Will Kymlicka, have presented a policy of liberal multiculturalism. Within the framework of the liberal-communitarian debate, Charles Taylor has criticized liberal multiculturalist policies to provide a more comprehensive theory. Taylor proposes a politics of recognition that includes these indicators: it is not homogenizing; it does not limit basic liberal rights; the assumption of the equal value of cultures is considered; it does not have a condescending view and is based on awareness and criteria derived from intertwined horizons. According to Taylor, multiculturalists, like earlier liberals, face the problem that emphasizing the principle of respect for differences is necessarily in conflict with the other principle of equal dignity. Also, the notion that we must consider all cultures as equally valuable is unjustified; rather, we can only approach them with this assumption. Finally, multiculturalism, according to Taylor, is tragically homogenizing; because by valuing all cultures, it implies that it has criteria for evaluation that are derived from Western European and North American culture and civilization. However, despite providing understandable indicators for a suitable recognition politics, Taylor's theory still falls short of presenting a comprehensive theory. Taylor's theory faces criticisms such as: It conditions the value of other cultures on our valuation of them within an intertwined horizon. It does not provide an answer to how these horizons are intertwined. It is only concerned with ethnic minorities like Quebec in Canada, which have the ability to form governments, and does not include other minorities that fit into a cultural policy but do not have the capacity to form governments. Even within ethnic minorities, his theory only includes "concentrated" minorities, and it also does not provide a clear criterion for distinguishing between rights that can never be violated and those that, under certain circumstances, are sacrificed for collective goals. This indicates that contemporary Western liberal democracies face a problem for which the perspectives of two major groups of political theorists have proven inadequate in providing a comprehensive theory that encompasses all the groups involved in this issue and serves as a foundation for government action. This issue remains an unresolved phenomenon that will continue to challenge the principles of liberal democracy in the future.   Keywords: Recognition Politics, Multiculturalism, Liberalism, Identity, Communitarians   References Azizi, S. M. (1396) Liberalism against communitarianism: A look at liberals' criticisms of communitarians. Fasalnameh-e Siyasat, 40(2), 451-470. Baratalipour, M., & Zireki Heidari, A. (Spring 1394) Liberal multiculturalism: A critical perspective. Quarterly Journal of Political Studies, 7(27), 1-22. Hadavi, H. (1385) Charles Taylor and the philosophy of identity recognition. Fasalnameh-e Elm-e Pejooheshi, (Special Issue on Political Science), 79-96. Hosseini Beheshti, A. (1380) The theoretical foundations of politics in multicultural societies. Boq'eh. Karimi Maleh, A. (1386, Fall) Multiculturalism and its approaches. Pajuheshnameh-e Olom-e Siyasi, 2(4), 211-248. Karimi Maleh, A. (2007, Fall) Multiculturalism and its approaches. Research Journal of Political Science, 2(4), 211-248. Kymlicka, W. (1396) An introduction to contemporary political philosophy (M. Badamchi & M. Mobasheri, Trans.). Negah-e Moaser. Nash, K. (1395) Contemporary political sociology: Globalization, politics, power (M. T. Delfruz, Trans.). Kavir. Rousseau, J. J. (1341) The social contract (G. H. Zirakzadeh, Trans.). Chahar. Taqvi, S. M. (1383) Recognizing cultural differences in the public sphere: A critique of Charles Taylor's theory. Nameh-e-Mofid, 44, 127-152. Taqvi, S. M. (1383) Recognizing cultural differences in the public sphere: A critique of Charles Taylor's theory. Nameh-e-Mofid, 44, 127-152.   Taylor, C. (1397) A secular age: Faith and freedom in a secular age. Culture Rajaee (Trans.). Agah. Taylor, C., & others. (1392) Multiculturalism: Examining the politics of recognition (T. Khadiv & S. Rizouandi, Trans.). Rokhdad-e-No. Tusli Roknabadi, M., & Salehzadeh, S. (1394) The theoretical foundations of multicultural citizenship in the thought of Will Kymlicka. Rahyafteha-ye Siyasi va Bina-almelali, 5(37), 33-62. Bachvarova, Mira, and Margaret Moore (2006) "Liberalism, Communitarianism, and the Politics of Identity." Annual Canadian Political Science Association Conference, York University, Toronto. Beaney, M. (Ed.) (2013) The Oxford handbook of the history of analytic philosophy, Oxford University Press.&rlm; Dworkin, Ronald in Hampshire, S. (1978) Public and private morality, Cambridge University Press. Rawls, J. (1971) Atheory of justice. Harvard University Press. Cambridge (Mass.).&rlm; Sandel, Michel (1982) Liberalism and the Limits of Justice (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge) ------------------ (2009), Justice: Whats The Right Thing to Do? Great Britain: AlenLanc. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Identity Politics (2019) Taylor, Charles (1991), The ethics of authenticity, Harvard University Press ------------------ (1985) Philosophy and the Human Sciences: Philosophical Papers, vol. ii (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge). --------------------- (1997), nationalism and modernity in The Morality of Nationalism, Edited by Robert McKim and Jeff McMahan, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp 31-55. -------------------- replies (1994) In J. Tully & D. Weinstock (Eds.), Philosophy in an Age of Pluralism: The Philosophy of Charles Taylor in Question (pp. 213-257) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ------------------- (1994) Multiculturalism: Examining the politics of recognition, Princeton University Press, 41 William St., Princeton. Thompson, simon (2006) The political theory of recognition, polity press, pages 21-24, 45-48. http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/46813Recognition Politics Multiculturalism Liberalism Identity Communitariansper1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392025-0119356791articleA Structural-Institutional Reading of Rational Choice TheoryFaez Dinparastfaez.dinparast@gmail.com1Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Allameh Tabatabai University, Iran.As a grand theory within the realm of social sciences, rational choice theory enjoys much importance while simultaneously being continuously criticized due to methodological individualism and the reductionism derived from such an epistemological base. The aim of this article is to present a reading of rational choice theory framed within a structural-institutional setting that could add new explanatory capabilities to it. The paper is evaluative in approach and based on rational argumentation. In a nutshell, the article first outlines an overview of the ontology of institutions and social structures. Using a structural interpretation of methodological individualism—termed structural individualism—it puts forward a version of rational choice theory explaining how the preferences of actors are constituted within institutional and structural frameworks. This paper extends, using the perspective of socialized ontology, the conventional view of structure understood within social sciences—defining how the interconnected levels of structure and institution interface with the agent. In fact, the article reaches an integrative narrative through an incisive evaluation of prevailing theories and analyses in the social sciences, showing the explanatory levels of agency, institution, and structure—in turn divided into soft and hard structures. It concludes that agents are dialectically always in a relationship with institutions and soft structures, always affecting their genesis and perpetuation as well as being influenced by them, and thus a similar dynamic relationship is conceivable between institutions and soft structures. Particular social structures give rise to particular forms of institutions, and the state of institutions and its possible changes gradually affect further the condition of the soft structures. But all these interactions take place according to the opportunities, constraints, and possibilities brought about by hard structures, which, in any case, regulate the actor agency. Rational choice theory, one of the grand theories in the field of social sciences, is significant but has been criticized for its reliance on methodological individualism and its reductionist nature stemming from this epistemological foundation. The goal of this paper is to offer a novel interpretation of rational choice theory within a structural-institutional context in order to enhance its explanatory power. The article’s reasoning method is based on rational argumentation. By reviewing the ontology of institutions and social structures, and utilizing the reading of methodological individualism within a structural context under the title of structural individualism, the paper offers a narrative of rational choice that explains how the preferences of actors are shaped within an institutional and structural framework. The paper extends the concept of social being and moves beyond the conventional understanding of structure in social sciences, showing the interconnected levels of structure and institution with the agent. By evaluating some of the common theories and analyses in social sciences, the paper reveals the different explanatory levels of agency, institution, and structure (at both the soft and hard structure levels) within the integrated narrative. The paper concludes that agents continuously engage in a dialectical relationship with soft institutions and structures, and while influencing their construction and continuity, they are also affected by them. Such a relationship is also conceivable between soft institutions and structures. Specific social structures lead to the formation of certain types of institutions, and simultaneously, the status of institutions and their potential changes gradually affect the status of soft structures. However, all these influences operate within the possibilities, opportunities, and constraints that the hard structure provides for agents.   Introduction Rational choice theory is one of the key theories in the social sciences that seeks to explain human behavior based on logical and rational analyses. This theory initially emerged in microeconomics and later expanded to other fields such as sociology and political science. According to this theory, humans are rational actors who make decisions with the aim of maximizing personal benefits. Although this theory has been successful in analyzing individual behavior under simple conditions, it faces significant shortcomings when dealing with more complex social, historical, and cultural issues. Its overemphasis on individual rationality and neglect of the role of institutions and social structures have made it ineffective in explaining macro-level phenomena. This paper aims to address these shortcomings by proposing a new approach called "structural individualism," which focuses on the interaction between the individual, institutions, and social structures.   Objective and Innovation of the Paper The aim of this paper is to reconsider rational choice theory within a structural-institutional framework. By introducing the concept of "structural individualism," it seeks to overcome the limitations of methodological individualism. In this framework, human behavior is analyzed as the result of the continuous interaction between individual agency and institutions and social structures. The main innovation of the paper is that it examines human behavior not as an independent action but as part of social and historical dynamics.   Theoretical Framework Structural Individualism: The Link Between Agent and Structure In the "structural individualism" framework, it is assumed that human choices are never made in a vacuum. Unlike the traditional rational choice approach, which views human decisions as completely independent and logical, this framework emphasizes that human behavior is shaped within a social and historical context. In this framework, the individual is still recognized as a rational actor, but their choices are always influenced by institutions and social structures. In other words, individual preferences are not only the product of individual rationality but the result of interactions with the social and cultural environment.   Hard and Soft Structures Social structures are divided into two categories:   <ol> <li>Hard structures: These include geographical, climatic, and natural resource factors. These structures are relatively stable and directly influence behavior. For example, communities with access to water resources experience different economic and social patterns than those living in arid regions.</li> <li>Soft structures: These include institutions, norms, and social values, which are dynamic and flexible. These structures can undergo transformations in interaction with human behavior.</li> </ol>   Institutions and Social Rules Institutions are defined as sets of rules that guide human behavior. These rules can be formal (such as laws) or informal (such as cultural norms). Unlike traditional views that treat institutions as static, this paper regards institutions as dynamic. Institutions not only shape human behavior but also change under the influence of human activity.   Critique of Rational Choice Theory Traditional rational choice theory faces several fundamental challenges: <ol> <li>Inability to Analyze Changing Preferences: This theory assumes that human preferences are fixed and independent of the social environment. In reality, human preferences change in interaction with social and cultural factors. For example, in a traditional society, collectivist values prevail, whereas in a modern society, individualism becomes more prominent.</li> <li>Neglect of Structural Constraints: This theory assumes that humans always make decisions under equal conditions, free from external constraints. In reality, factors such as poverty, discrimination, or class structures can limit available choices.</li> <li>Disregard of Historical and Social Context: Human decisions occur within specific historical and social contexts. Traditional rational choice theory ignores factors such as economic crises, wars, or cultural changes.</li> </ol>   Historical Examples: The Impact of Structure and Institutions <ol> <li>Colonization in North and South America: Colonization in North and South America experienced different paths. In South America, the presence of rich natural resources like gold and silver led colonizers to create exploitative institutions. In contrast, in North America, the lack of similar resources led to the creation of institutions based on private property and political participation.</li> <li>The Industrial Revolution in England: The Industrial Revolution demonstrates the interaction between hard and soft structures. With rich natural resources like coal and institutions such as property rights and free markets, England became a leader in industrialization.</li> <li>The Black Death in Europe: The outbreak of the Black Death in the Middle Ages, which drastically reduced the population, altered social and economic structures. In England, the labor shortage led peasants to demand better conditions from landowners, challenging the feudal system. This change was less noticeable in Eastern Europe, where social structures were less flexible.</li> <li>Educational Systems in Different Societies: Differences in educational systems also illustrate the impact of institutions on human development. In Japan, a centralized educational system emphasizing collectivism and discipline created an efficient workforce for economic growth. In contrast, in Scandinavian countries, an emphasis on creativity and individual freedom led to broader human development.</li> </ol>   Conclusion and Implications This paper demonstrates that traditional rational choice theory is insufficient for analyzing social and historical behavior. The concept of "structural individualism" provides a more comprehensive framework for analyzing human preferences and behaviors within social and historical contexts, focusing on the interaction between individuals, institutions, and structures.   Theoretical and Practical Implications: <ol> <li>Transformation in Theory Building: This approach can help provide more accurate analyses of human behavior and social changes.</li> <li>Smarter Policymaking: Designing policies that simultaneously consider individual interests and social impacts becomes possible with this framework.</li> <li>Foundation for Interdisciplinary Research: This framework can be effectively employed in social, economic, and political studies as a useful tool for research.</li> </ol>   Keywords: rational choice, methodological individualism, structural individualism, institution and structure.   References Acemoğlu, D., & Robinson, J. A. (2013) Why nations fail: The origins of power, prosperity, and poverty (P. Jabal Ameli & M. R. Farhadipour, Trans.) [In Persian]. Tehran: Donya-ye Eqtesad. (Original work published 2012) Alexander, J. C. (Ed.). (1987) The micro- macro link. University of California Press. &rlm; Amin, A. , & Cohendet, P. (2004) Architectures of knowledge: Firms, capabilities, and communities. Oxford University Press, USA. &rlm; Bartlett, C. A. , & Ghoshal, S. (2002) Managing across borders: The transnational solution. Harvard Business Press. &rlm; Bathelt, H. , & Glückler, J. (2017) Toward a relational economic geography. In Economy, pp. 73- 100, Routledge. &rlm; Benton, T., & Craib, I. (2005) Philosophy of social science: The philosophical foundations of social thought (Sh. Mosamipour & M. Motahhed, Trans.) [In Persian]. Tehran: Agah. (Original work published 2001) Berger, P. L., & Luckmann, T. (1996) The social construction of reality (F. Majidi, Trans.) [In Persian]. Tehran: Elmi va Farhangi. (Original work published 1966) Bernardi, F., González, J. J. , & Requena, M. (2006) The sociology of social structure. Clifton D. Bryant–Dennis L. Peck (2006 eds.) 21st Century Sociology: A Reference Handbook. Thousand Oaks, Sage Publications, 162- 170. &rlm; Bhaskar, Roy (1998) The Possibility of Naturalism: A Philosophical Critique of the Contemporary Human Sciences. . London: Routledge Bulle, N. (2019) Methodological individualism as anti- reductionism. Journal of Classical Sociology, 19 (2), 161- 184. &rlm; Dinparast, F., & Saei, A. (2012) Methodological reconstruction of public choice theory [In Persian]. Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities, 4(2), 87-109. Dopfer, K. (1991), Toward a theory of economic institutions: Synergy and path dependency. Journal of Economic Issues, 25 (2), 535- 550. &rlm; Emmenegger, P. (2021) Agency in historical institutionalism: Coalitional work in the creation, maintenance, and change of institutions. Theory and society, 50 (4), 607- 626. &rlm; Fleetwood, S. (2008), Institutions and social structures, Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, 38 (3), 241- 265. Gerd, Rudolf., Peter, Buchheim., W., Ehlers., J., Kuchenhoff., A., Muhs., D., Pouget-Schors., Ulrich, Rüger., G., H., Seidler., F., Schwarz. (1995) three. Structure and structural disorder. Zeitschrift für Psychosomatische Medizin und Psychoanalyse. Giddens, A. (1984) The constitution of society: Outline of the theory of structuration. Univ of California Press. &rlm; Gittler, J. B. (1951) Social ontology and the criteria for definitions in sociology. Sociometry, 14 (4), 355- 365. &rlm; Gould, C. C. (1978) Marx’s social ontology: Individuality and community in Marx’s theory of social reality. &rlm; Hall، P. A. and Taylor، R. C. R (1996), Political science and the three new institutionalisms, Political Studies، presented in Board’s meeting Handy, C. B. (1994), The age of paradox: A New World of Organizations, Harvard Business Press. &rlm;Hay, C. (2006) Political analysis: A critical introduction (A. Golmohammadi, Trans.) [In Persian]. Tehran: Nei. (Original work published 2002) Hay, C. (2006) Structure and agency. In D. Marsh & G. Stoker (Eds.), Theory and methods in political science (pp. XX-XX) (A. Golmohammadi, Trans.) [In Persian]. Tehran: Strategic Studies Research Center. (Original work published 1995) Hodgson, G. 2006a. “What are Institutions”, Journal of Economic Issues, Vol. 40, No. 1, 1–25. Hysing, Erik and Jan Olsson (2017), Green Inside Activism for Sustainable Development: Political Agency and Institutional Change, Palgrave Macmillan. Ikäheimo, H. , & Laitinen, A. (2011) 1. Recognition And Social Ontology: An Introduction. In Recognition and social ontology (pp. 1- 21), Brill. &rlm; Jessop, Bob (2005) Critical Realism and the Strategic- Relational Approach. New Formations (56). pp. 40- 53. -------------- (2001) Institutional returns and the strategic- relational approach Environment and planning, A volume 33, No 77, pp1213- 1235. Lawrence E. Blume and David Easley (2008) "rationality," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition. Lawson, T. (2004) A conception of ontology. Mimeograph, University of Cambridge, 60. &rlm; Little, D. (2002) Varieties of social explanation: An introduction to the philosophy of social science (A. Soroush, Trans.) [In Persian]. Tehran: Serat. (Original work published 1991) Mahoney, J., & Thelen, K. (2010) A theory of gradual institutional change. Explaining institutional change: Ambiguity, agency, and power, 1 (1). &rlm; Merton, R. K. (1975) Structural analysis in sociology. &rlm; Methodological individualism, visited at:http://plato. stanford. edu/entries/methodological- individualism). Mintzberg, H. E. N. R. Y. (1979) The. structuring of. Organizations. &rlm;: a sunthesis of the research. Moe, T. M. (1990) Political institutions: The neglected side of the story. JL Econ & Org. , 6, 213. &rlm; North, D. C. (1971) Institutional change and economic growth. The Journal of Economic History, 31(1), 118-125. North, D., Wallis, J. J., & Weingast, B. R. (2018) Violence and social orders: A conceptual framework for interpreting recorded human history (J. Kheirkhahan & R. Majidzadeh, Trans.) [In Persian]. Tehran: Rozaneh. (Original work published 2009) Orren, K., & Skowronek, S. (2004) The search for American political development. Cambridge University Press. &rlm; Petrović, Dragan (2008) "Methodological Individualism –Criticizing and Superseding Possibilities", Economics and Organization. Vol. 5, No 3, pp. 185 – 190. Rixen, T., & Viola, L. A. (2016) Historical institutionalism and international relations: towards explaining change and stability in international institutions. &rlm; Sajjad, Salehi., Fattaneh, Taghiyareh. (2020) 1. Stabilizing social structure via modifying local patterns. Journal of Combinatorial Optimization, doi: 10.1007/S10878-020-00546-8 Schofield, P. R. (1995) The Black Death (Manchester Medieval Sources Studies). Setterfield, M. (1993) A model of institutional hysteresis. Journal of Economic issues, 27 (3), 755- 774. &rlm; Skocpol, T. (1995) Protecting soldiers and mothers: The political origins of social policy in the United States. Harvard University Press. &rlm; Steinmo, S. (2008) Historical institutionalism. Approaches and methodologies in the social sciences: A pluralist perspective, 118- 138. &rlm; In the Theory of Social Behaviour, 38 (3). Thelen, K. (2004) How institutions evolve: The political economy of skills in Germany, Britain, the United States, and Japan. Cambridge University Press. &rlm; Thordarson, Seveinbjorn (2006)" on Methodological Individualism", www. sveinbjorn. org. Tolluk, Gordon & others. (2002) Government failure: a primer in public choice. Washington, D. C: Cato Institute. Tu, Yu. , & Wu, Weiku. (2021) How does green innovation improve enterprises’ competitive advantage? The role of organizational learning. Sustainable Production and Consumption, 26, 504- 516. &rlm; Udhen, Lars (2001) Methodological Individualism. London: Rutledge. Windhoff- Héritier, A. (2019) Institutions, interests and political choice. In Political Choice, pp. 27- 52, Routledge. &rlm; Wittfogel, K. A. (2012) Oriental despotism: A comparative study of total power (M. Salasi, Trans.) [In Persian]. Tehran: Sales. (Original work published 1957). http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/46893rational choice methodological individualism structural individualism institution and structure.per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392025-01193593119articleCritique of the Foundations, Principles, and Explanatory Power of Neoclassical Realism (A Case Study: A Comparative Approach with the Critique of Balancing in Waltzian Neorealism)JALAL Dehghani Firoozabadidehghani@atu.ac.ir1Narges Khangolzadenkhangolzadeh@gmail.com2Professor of International Relations Department, Allameh Tabatabai University, Iran.Ph.D Student of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabai University, Iran. The aim of this article is to examine neoclassical realism and the criticisms it has received in various aspects such as its principles, foundations, and explanatory power. In the first part of the article, an effort is made to analyze the theoretical foundations of neoclassical realism within the context of the realism paradigm. The second part of the article is dedicated to a brief overview of critiques in international relations, and finally, in the third part, the focus is on the criticisms directed at neoclassical realism. The main question of this research is: What are the most significant criticisms of neoclassical realism? The research method is descriptive, and the data collection method is based on library research. The main findings of the research indicate that neoclassical realism has been subject to multiple criticisms by scholars regarding its principles, foundations, and explanatory power. In terms of explanatory power, scholars argue that the internal inconsistency and the normative nature of the theory have diminished its explanatory capacity. Regarding the principles of this theory, criticisms have been raised regarding state-centrism, incomplete balancing, the role of leaders' perceptions, and more. Concerning the foundations of this theory, many believe that neoclassical realism has not thoroughly addressed ontological and epistemological foundations and suffers from methodological ambiguity. International relations theories have always been subject to evaluation and critique, and this study aims to review neoclassical realism and examine the criticisms directed at it. Although neoclassical realism derives its core from the realism paradigm, it also pays attention to the level of structure and the characteristics of the international system. Therefore, in terms of the level of analysis, this theory does not fit neatly into either macro or micro theories of international relations, as it simultaneously focuses on micro-level aspects, such as states and leaders, and macro-level factors, such as the international system. Thus, it can be stated that neoclassical realism is an intermediate theory. Although the main source of neoclassical realism is the realism paradigm, which includes both classical realism and structural realism, this theory presents fundamental critiques of the two preceding schools of thought and offers a distinctive theoretical approach. The most prominent distinction and critique of neoclassical realism, compared to the two earlier schools of realism, lies in the level of analysis, or in other words, the issue of structure-agency. Neoclassical realism goes beyond classical realism’s micro-level perspective and focuses on the international system, while it also combines structural realism's macro-level perspective with intermediary variables, creating a new synthesis of structure and agency. It views these two as interacting with each other and, in terms of the level of analysis, fits within intermediate theories. Neoclassical realism introduces the concept of incomplete balancing. In this regard, the article aims to examine this key concept through a comparative analysis within the neoclassical balancing and neorealism paradigms. Post-neorealism theories have emerged in critique of neorealism, and by examining these critiques, it becomes evident that neoclassical realism proposes incomplete balancing and emphasizes the role of perceptions and identity in balancing, whereas conventional neorealism, by ignoring these factors, focuses solely on power maximization and balancing. A comparative analysis of critiques of balancing in conventional neorealism and the concept of incomplete balancing in neoclassical realism reveals that the critique of the latter emphasizes the integration of various macro and intermediary elements, such as identity and perception, which results in a less precise and specialized depiction. Meanwhile, the critique of balancing in neorealism, as raised by neoclassical realists, overlooks the role of revisionist states in the international system. From this perspective, it can be concluded that although both schools of thought emerged within the same paradigmatic framework, their approaches to the concept of balancing and the critiques directed at balancing within each theory are different. Regarding the positive critique of neoclassical realism, it is noted that this theory focuses on both domestic and international system-level variables, as well as intermediary variables, offering a comprehensive view of multiple levels. If a synthesis among theories were to occur, neoclassical realism would serve as a successful example of such a synthesis. In conclusion, the research findings indicate that neoclassical realism has been subject to various critiques regarding its foundations, principles, and explanatory power. In terms of explanatory power, scholars argue that the theory's internal inconsistency and normative nature have reduced its explanatory capacity. Criticisms regarding the theory's principles include state-centrism, incomplete balancing, and the role of leaders' perceptions. Regarding the foundations, many argue that neoclassical realism has not adequately addressed ontological and epistemological issues and suffers from methodological ambiguity. Despite all these criticisms, neoclassical realism continues to attract scholarly attention because criticizing a theory does not imply its inefficacy, and no theory can be expected to achieve complete perfection. Therefore, despite its shortcomings, neoclassical realism can still serve as a valuable guide for policymakers.   Keywords: Neoclassical Realism, Incomplete Balance, Criticism of Fundamentals, Criticism of Explanatory Power and Principled Criticism.    Reference Barkhil, Scott, et al. (1391 [2011]) Nazariyehaye Ravabet Bein al-Melal [Theories of International Relations], Translated by Hamira Mashirzadeh and Ruhollah Talebi Arani, Mizaan, Tehran. [In Persian] Barkin, J. S. (2020) Constructivist and Neoclassical Realisms. In The Social Construction of State Power (pp. 47-72). Bristol University Press. Beqa, M. (2017) Neoclassical Realism: Its Promises and Limits as a Theory of Foreign Policy. European Academic Research, 5(01), 316-330. Cerioli, L. (2023) Saudi Arabian strategy reassessment since 2003: The emergence of a regional leadership via Neoclassical Realist lenses. International Area Studies Review. Dehghani Firoozabadi, Seyed Jalal. (1400 [2020]) Osoul va Mabaaneh Ravabet Bein al-Melal 1 [Principles and Foundations of International Relations 1], Nashr Samt. [In Persian] Dehghani Firoozabadi, Seyed Jalal, Borzegar, Keyhan, Bigdeli, Mohammadreza. (1402 [2022]) "Moqayeseh Roukard Se Nosl Paradayem Vaaghegarayi Nasbat be Nazem Bein al-Melal" [A Comparison of Three Generations of the Realist Paradigm’s Approach to the International System], Faslnameh Pajooheshhaye Ravabet Bein al-Melal, 17th Volume, Issue 1. [In Persian] Dehghani Firoozabadi, Seyed Jalal, Hozhir Sarvar, Hossein (1401) "Moqayeseh Siyasat Khareji Dowlat-haye Ahmadinejad va Rouhani Bar Asas Nazariyeh Vaaghegarayi Neoclassic" [A Comparison of the Foreign Policy of the Ahmadinejad and Rouhani Governments Based on Neoclassical Realist Theory], Faslnameh Siyasat Khareji, 36th Year, Issue 3. [In Persian] Duan, X., & Aldamer, S. (2022) The Saudi Arabia–China relationship at a crossroad: A neoclassical realist analysis. Asian Politics & Policy, 14(1), 114-128. Dyson, T. (2016) Neoclassical realism and defence reform in post-Cold War Europe, springer. Foulon, M. (2015) Neoclassical realism: challengers and bridging identities. International Studies Review, 17(4), 635-661. He, Kai, and Huiyun Feng. (2023) After Hedging: Hard Choices for the Indo-Pacific States between the US and China. Elements in International Relations,11-15. iVidal, L. L. I. (2022) Beyond the Gaiatsu Model: Japan’s Asia-Pacific Policy and Neoclassical Realism. Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs, 9(1), 26-49. Kropatcheva, E. (2012) Russian foreign policy in the realm of European security through the lens of neoclassical realism. Journal of Eurasian Studies, 3(1), 30-40. Lobell, S. E., Ripsman, N. M., & Taliaferro, J. W. (Eds.) (2009) Neoclassical realism, the state, and foreign policy. Cambridge University Press. Meibauer, G., Desmaele, L., Onea, T., Kitchen, N., Foulon, M., Reichwein, A., & Sterling-Folker, J. (2021). Rethinking neoclassical realism at theory's end. International Studies Review, 23(1), 268-295. Narizny, K. (2017) On systemic paradigms and domestic politics: A critique of the newest realism. International Security, 42(2), 155-190. Omar, A. A. (2013) Is There Anything ‘New’ in Neoclassical Realism?. IR. info, February, 13. Rathbun, B. (2008) A rose by any other name: Neoclassical realism as the logical and necessary extension of structural realism. Security Studies, 17(2), 294-321. Ripsman, N. M., Taliaferro, J. W., & Lobell, S. E. (2009) Conclusion: The state of neoclassical realism. In Neoclassical realism, the State, and foreign policy (pp. 280-299). Ripsman, N. M., Taliaferro, J. W., & Lobell, S. E. (2016) Neoclassical realist theory of international politics. Oxford University Press. Rose, G. (1998) Neoclassical realism and theories of foreign policy. World Politics, 51(1), 144-172. Sastrawijoto, L., Gerrits, A. (2015) Realism is dead, long live realism: A critical review of neoclassical realist theory. The case study of Crimea. University of Leiden, Netherlands. Schweller, R. L. (2009) Neoclassical realism and state mobilization: Expansionist ideology in the age of mass politics. In Neoclassical realism, the state, and foreign policy (pp. 227-250). Sterling-Folker, J. (2009) Neoclassical realism and identity: Peril despite profit across the Taiwan Strait. In Neoclassical realism, the state, and foreign policy (pp. 99-138). Taliaferro, J. W. (2012) Neoclassical realism and the study of regional order. International Relations Theory and Regional Transformation, 74-103. Taliaferro, J. W. (2009) Neoclassical realism and resource extraction: State building for future war. In Neoclassical realism, the state, and foreign policy (pp. 194-226). Taliaferro, J. W. (2000) Security seeking under anarchy: Defensive realism revisited. International Security, 25(3), 128-161. Toghyani, A., & Arabahmadi, A. (2020) US Strategy toward Africa and Trump's Rivalry Competition: A Neo-Classical Approach. World Sociopolitical Studies, 4(1), 177-212. Vasileiadis, P. (2023) Reconstructing neoclassical realism: A transitive approach. International Relations. Więcławski, J. (2017) Neoclassical Realism and the Crisis of the Realist Paradigm in Contemporary International Relations. Myśl Ekonomiczna i Polityczna, 2(57), 192-217. Ye, X. (2019) Rediscovering the transition in China’s national interest: A neoclassical realist approach. Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 48(1), 76-105.http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/45983Neoclassical Realism Incomplete Balance Criticism of Fundamentals Criticism of Explanatory Power and Principled Criticism.per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392025-011935121141articleThe Emergence of Thought through a Psychological Reading from Sprigge's Perspective: Towards a Macro Cognitive FrameworkReza GarshasbiKgarshasbi7@gmail.com1ali Karimi malehakm10@umz.ac.ir2mohammadtaghi ghezelsoflam.t.ghezel@gmail.com3Ph.D of Political Science, Mazandaran University, Babolsar, Iran.Retired Professor, Department of Law and Political Science, Mazandaran University, Iran.Associate Professor, Department of Law and Political Sciences, Mazandaran University, Iran.Human beings are temporal existents, social creatures, and beings cast in a particular context. Depending on this temporal nature and worldly existence, the human mind is open to the external world, receiving and shaping impressions from it. Following this openness and formation, it must be said that thoughts, beliefs, attitudes, inclinations, cultural worldviews, insights, and political discourses do not emerge from nothing; rather, they are socially constructed. In other words, internal cognition is not separate from the external world. In this regard, Semen and Smith support the view of "contextual cognition," asserting that cognitive processes are tightly interconnected with the social world and inseparable from it. People, in response to the particularities of their time and life context, turn to a specific historical, cultural awareness and intellectual framework. Therefore, to understand their thoughts, actions, and behaviors, we must examine the context of their time. In this context, the perspective of Thomas Sprigge can be discussed. He regards thoughts as a process that unfolds in four stages. According to Sprigge, the first step in thinking or the emergence of an idea is "chronotopology" or contextual analysis, where one observes the hardships and challenges of the time. At this stage, the thinker stands outside of time or existence and grapples with questions such as: How is existence or time? What characteristics does it have? Following this step, it can be said that any thought arises from the observation of turmoil in the life system. Therefore, the process of thinking engages when people open their eyes to their existence and find it sick and in distress. In this regard, Sprigge writes, "Most political theorists begin their research by observing disorder in the political society. Observing disorder creates intellectual problems and reveals anomalies that need to be explained." The second step is "root analysis," where the thinker seeks to identify the origins of misfortune, which is crucial because until the source of the problems is identified, no proper solution can be suggested to restore order to a disordered existence. In this process, the thinker, by moving beyond the superstructure and turning to the underlying or hidden layers of observation, looks at various aspects and addresses questions such as: What causes the disorder and confusion of the time? Why is the political and social structure chaotic and malfunctioning? What has torn apart the connections between its components? After identifying the root causes of problems and crises, the thinker proceeds to "idealism." Here, the thinker asks what an orderly existence is and where it is. Indeed, idealism is an effort to escape the painful world of appearances by representing a harmonious world of thought and the hope of reaching it. Finally, in the last step, the thinker engages in "solution-seeking," asking how one can achieve the ideal and create the desired world of thought. It is true that the foundation of a thought must be sought in its relation to the political, social, and cultural structures of its time, but the influence of context (position and condition) on action (in this case, thinking) should not be seen as direct and unmediated. Rather, this influence has a strong mediator, which is the psychological system of individuals. As Sprigge himself states, the mind cannot and should not be considered separate from the world and time. These two are intertwined and act upon one another. Therefore, the point to note here is that these questions and four steps of Sprigge are not alien to psychological perspectives, and for this reason, to understand thoughts, we must explore the psychology of thinkers and identify the psychological traits influencing their ideas. In light of these preliminary remarks, the current paper seeks to offer a psychological reading of Sprigge's perspective and to answer the question of how a thought emerges from a new angle. The fundamental premise of this paper is that thought is a "process" that passes through long-term social processes (temporal features) and short-term psychological processes. Psychological processes are the cognitive, emotional, and motivational mechanisms that are activated and transformed depending on the nature of the life context. These mechanisms play a significant role in thinking and are among its main drivers. Thus, without considering them, we cannot adequately understand how theories are constructed. While Sprigge was aware of this, he did not incorporate it into his four-step analysis. This is when we can link his four cognitive steps to psychological mechanisms. Step one is related to "initial evaluation and emotions." In this process, people assess whether a specific context or event is beneficial or harmful, whether it adds to or diminishes their values and possessions, and whether the external world is as it should be. If the existing situation does not align with the imagined ideal and is identified as a major threat to self-worth, well-being, and survival, emotional responses are triggered. These emotional reactions can manifest in language—both speech and writing. Emotional language consists of meaningful signs that inform us about the state of existence and time. In this regard, Sprigge suggests that researchers must trace the disturbance of time in the language or discourse of thinkers. Based on the evaluation perspective, emotions are the result of the evaluation of external events and contexts. Viewing existence and assessing it will result in emotional reactions that impact behavioral patterns and cognitive processes—such as thinking—and play a key role in what we think and do. Step two is associated with the cognitive process of "attribution." Attribution is a process in which people address causes and seek to identify underlying factors of events in order to predict and control them. In simpler terms, attribution is the response to why questions and the causal explanation of phenomena. In this process, causes fall into two broad categories: external causes and internal causes. The first category pertains to environmental and structural contexts, everything outside of the individual. The second category relates to the personal characteristics and functions of individuals. Step three is connected to "motivations." Motivations and needs guide individuals in choosing and pursuing desires and objectives. They affect the desires people choose and the behaviors they display to achieve them. Therefore, the pursuit of desires and goals is a way to fulfill motivations and needs. Motivations and needs arise from the misalignment between "what is" and "what should be" or the contradiction between the existing reality and the imagined ideal. If the current reality does not align with motivations and needs and cannot fulfill them, the imagined ideal is emphasized to achieve the fulfillment of these motivations and needs. For example, the need for progress becomes prominent when people feel backward. Thus, many motivations and needs arise from the pressures of the time, and most of what is within the individual at present was once external. Following the interactive approach, humans are connected to their time, and these two factors affect one another. Hence, many of the needs and desires of humans arise from "pressures of the time." Finally, step four is the "second evaluation." This psychological process also seeks to escape and create, determining what can be done to transform an unpleasant situation and improve it. In other words, the solution-seeking of the thinker can be regarded as the second evaluation, as it entails identifying "coping strategies" for managing pressing crises, controlling them, and restoring lost alignment. In this process, people assess the tools, options, and accessible strategies for overcoming difficulties and how to enhance happiness and well-being by eliminating troubles. Coping strategies encompass two domains: the "individual" domain, which pertains to human characteristics, and the "macro" domain, which refers to structures and institutions. By linking these processes, this paper aims to present a larger cognitive framework for analyzing political theories. We call this framework "larger" because, on the one hand, it represents the temporality of thought, and on the other hand, it illustrates its psychological construction, showing that theoretical and practical actions emerge depending on the nature of time and the cognitive and psychological processes. Consequently, these actions are dynamic and subject to change, with different characteristics. In other words, this model demonstrates that although thinking begins with contextual analysis and the observation of the disorder of time, it progresses only when the thinker engages in psychological processes—such as evaluating and assessing—and undergoes psychological transformations. The emergence of these transformations is contingent upon the "how" of evaluating the time. Therefore, it can be said that thinking passes through the psyche, and without this passage, no one becomes a thinker, and no theory is created. Perhaps this is why some societies and individuals in crisis have not processed or created political thoughts. Since cognitive beliefs, emotions, and motivations play a pivotal role in action, this model helps us understand which emotions and motivations drive individuals to think, and which of them plays a more prominent role. This model reveals that the cognitive, emotional, and motivational mechanisms of thinkers can be diverse. For example, the emotional driver of one thinker may be "fear," while that of another may be "anger." One's motivation may be "power," while another's may be "progress." Understanding these diversities is especially important in comparative studies, and in this regard, the proposed model of this paper can be beneficial.   Keywords: Sprigge, Thought, Psychology, Cognitive Framework, Emotions   References Anderson, S., & Hunter, S. C. (2012) Cognitive appraisals, emotional reactions, and their associations with three forms of peer-victimization. Psicothema, 24(4), 621-627. Bippus, A. M., & Young, S. L. (2012) Using Appraisal Theory to Predict Emotional and Coping Responses to Hurtful Messages. An International Journal on Personal Relationships, 6(2), 176-190. DOI: 10.5964/ijpr.v6i2.99. Bruder, M., Fischer, A., & Manstead, A. S. R. (2014) Social appraisal as a cause of collective emotions. In C. von Scheve & M. Salmela (Eds.), Collective emotions: Perspectives from psychology, philosophy, and sociology (pp. 141–155). Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199659180.003.0010. Ellsworth, P. C., & Scherer, K. R. (2003) Appraisal processes in emotion. In R. J. Davidson, K. R. Scherer, & H. H. Goldsmith (Eds.), Handbook of affective sciences (pp. 572–595). Oxford University Press. Fernando, J. W., Burden, N., Ferguson, A., O’Brien, L. V., Judge, M., & Kashima, Y. (2018) Functions of Utopia: How Utopian Thinking Motivates Societal Engagement. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 44(5), 779-792. Fishbach, A., & Ferguson, M. J. (2007) The Goal Construct in Social Psychology. In A. W. Kruglanski & E. T. Higgins (Eds.), Social psychology (pp. 490-516). The Guilford Press. Fiske, S. T. (2014) Social Beings: Core Motives in Social Psychology. John Wiley & Sons. Forgas, J. P., & Koch, A. S. (2013) Mood effects on cognition. In M. D. Robinson, E. Watkins, & E. Harmon-Jones (Eds.), Handbook of cognition and emotion (pp. 231–251). The Guilford Press. Gollwitzer, P. M., Kappes, H. B., & Oettingen, G. (2012) Needs and incentives as sources of goals. In H. Aarts & A. J. Elliot (Eds.), Goal-directed behavior (pp. 115–150). Psychology Press. Haslam, N., & Loughnan, S. (2012) Prejudice and dehumanization. In J. Dixon & M. Levian (Eds.), Beyond Prejudice (pp. 89-105). Cambridge University Press. Heckhausen, J., & Heckhausen, H. (2008) Motivation and Action. Cambridge University Press. Ingerlab, M. (2019) Utopia as social psychotherapy. SHS Web of Conferences, 72, 03021. https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20197203021. Kimhi, S. (2011) Attribution theory and intergroup conflict. In D. J. Christie (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Peace Psychology (pp. 58-62). Hoboken, New Jersey: Wiley-Blackwell. Korostelina, K. V. (2007) Social Identity and Conflict: Structures, Dynamics, and Implications. Palgrave Macmillan. Lazarus, R., & Folkman, S. (1984) Stress: Appraisal and Coping. Springer Publishing Company. Litwic-Kaminska, K. (2020) Types of Cognitive Appraisal and Undertaken Coping Strategies during Sport Competitions. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 17, 6522. doi:10.3390/ijerph17186522. Martiny, S. E., & Rubin, M. (2016) Towards a clearer understanding of social identity theory's self-esteem hypothesis. In S. McKeown, R. Haji, & N. Ferguson (Eds.), Understanding peace and conflict through social identity theory: Contemporary global perspectives (pp. 19–32). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-29869-6_2. Mead, E. (2021) What are Negative Emotions and How to Control Them? At: https://positivepsychology.com/negative-emotions/. Mesuradoa, B., Vidalb, E. M., & Mestrec, A. L. (2018) Negative emotions and behavior: The role of regulatory emotional self-efficacy. Journal of Adolescence, 64, 62–71. Moskowitz, G. B. (2012) The representation and regulation of goals. In H. Aarts & A. J. Elliot (Eds.), Frontiers of social psychology: Goal-directed behavior (pp. 1-47). Psychology Press. Oliver, J., & Brough, P. (2002) Cognitive appraisal, negative affectivity and psychological well-being. New Zealand Journal of Psychology, 31(1), 2–7. Pittman, T. S., & Zeigler, K. R. (2007) Basic human needs. In A. W. Kruglanski & E. T. Higgins (Eds.), Social psychology: Handbook of basic principles (pp. 473–489). The Guilford Press. Pratto, F., Lee, I-C., Tan, J. Y., & Pitpitan, E. Y. (2011) Power basis theory: A psychoecological approach to power. In D. Dunning (Ed.), Social motivation (pp. 191–222). Psychology Press. Ricketson, P. (2001) Political Myth: The Political Uses of History, Tradition, and Memory. University of Wollongong. Roseman, I. J., & Smith, C. A. (2001) Appraisal theory: Overview, assumptions, varieties, controversies. In K. R. Scherer, A. Schorr, & T. Johnstone (Eds.), Appraisal processes in emotion: Theory, methods, research (pp. 3–19). Oxford University Press. Scherer, K. R., & Schorr, A., & Johnstone, T. (Eds.) (2001) Appraisal processes in emotion: Theory, methods, research. Canary, NC: Oxford University Press. Schwarz, N., & Clore, G. L. (2007) Feelings and Phenomenal Experiences. In A. W. Kruglanski & E. T. Higgins (Eds.), Social Psychology (pp. 490-516). The Guilford Press. Semin, G. R., & Smith, E. R. (2013) Socially Situated Cognition in Perspective. Social Cognition, 31(2), 125–146. Urda, J., & Loch, C. (2005) Appraisal Theory and Social Appraisals: How an Event’s Social Context Triggers Emotions. At: https://flora.insead.edu/fichiersti_wp/inseadwp2005/2005-04.pdf. http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/44982Sprigge Thought Psychology Cognitive Framework Emotionsper1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392025-011935143168articleA Theoretical Approach to the Immigration Policies of Immigrant-Receiving StatesGholamAbbas Hosseinigholamabas1378@gmail.com1Mohammad Radmardm.radmard@umz.ac.ir2Hossein Rafih.rafie@umz.ac.ir3Ph.D Student of international relations, Mazandaran University, Iran. Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Mazandaran University, Iran.Associate Professor, Political Science Department, Mazandaran University, Iran.Migration, as a significant social phenomenon, has always been of interest to scholars across various disciplines. In recent decades, with the expansion of globalization, its importance has dramatically increased, turning migration into a multifaceted challenge, particularly in industrialized nations. These challenges have led to varied approaches by immigrant-receiving states when dealing with migration. The aim of the present paper is indeed the examination of the link between national interests and values and explaining why different countries adopt diverse immigration policies.   Research Methodology This study employs an explanatory research method, with data gathered from library resources. The paper’s approach is primarily based on an analysis of migration theories and their connection to the concepts of national interests and national values.   Findings of the Research The present paper explores the factors influencing the immigration policies of states, analyzing these factors in two main sections: “national interests” and “national values”. It identifies four dimensions of national interests (economic, social, military-security, and environmental) and three aspects of national values (ethics, customs, and religion) as crucial in shaping the immigration policies of immigrant-receiving countries.   <ol> <li> National Interests</li> </ol> National interests refer to “matters valued solely based on their benefits to the nation”. The focus is on determining which policies are advantageous for preserving national elements like territorial integrity, independence, sovereignty, national power, and social institutions; these are what constitute national interests. This interpretation aligns national interests closely with national security, rooted in utilitarian foundations. Below, the various dimensions of national interests in immigration policies are discussed:   Economic-Centric Immigration Policies:  Immigration policies are primarily influenced by the economic needs of the labor market (Viprey, 2010; 150). Governments’ initial interaction with immigrants is often economic because, regardless of their reasons for migration, immigrants seek employment to meet their financial needs upon entering the host country. Consequently, migration has long been analyzed from an economic perspective by scholars and policymakers. The economy holds critical importance for governments, and any crisis in this area can threaten the political system’s survival. The economic strength of countries also plays a pivotal role in migration. Nations with weak and unstable economies often lose their workforce through emigration, whereas those with stable economies seek to attract immigrants to fill labor shortages (Weiner, 1990: 96). However, economic stability is not absolute; even strong economies may face crises. In such circumstances, their immigration policies often change. Most migration-related laws are developed and implemented during economic crises, as the costs associated with immigrants and the provision of services to them gain more attention during these periods (Viprey, 2010: 154-155).   Social-Centric Immigration Policies: This type of policy focuses on the social integration of immigrants and its impact on the host society. Social integration refers to the ability of immigrants to adapt to the host society and participate in social, cultural, and economic activities (Safi, 2006: 4). One of the major challenges in this area is the cultural and social conflicts between immigrants and the host society. Immigrants who have significant cultural differences from the host community often face greater resistance. Governments typically shape their immigration policies to facilitate social integration while protecting the cultural and social identity of the host society. This often involves programs such as language training, access to social services, and cultural integration initiatives. However, social-centric immigration policies can sometimes lean toward restricting immigrants’ rights and freedoms. Some countries systematically attempt to control the social impact of immigrants on the host society and implement strict laws concerning issues such as marriage, citizenship, and the social rights of immigrants.   Security-Military Immigration Policies: Following events like the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, security concerns in immigration policies have increased significantly. Governments now consider immigrants not only as a workforce but also as potential security threats. Security-focused policies are designed to prevent the entry of individuals who may pose a risk or exacerbate security issues. Immigrants are sometimes viewed as a “fifth column”, potentially dangerous for the host country due to political, ethnic, or religious ties to their home countries (Ceyhan, 2001: 2). These stricter immigration policies due to security concerns often take the form of enhanced surveillance laws and more stringent border controls. Nations develop complex mechanisms for monitoring immigrants and closely controlling the flow of people to minimize security risks. A critical aspect of the security-military dimension is the impact of immigrants on the political stability of the host country. States facing internal security challenges are more likely to adopt stringent immigration policies to prevent domestic unrest.   Environment-Centric Immigration Policies: Large-scale immigration can significantly affect the environment of the host country. Population growth due to immigration can put pressure on natural resources, agricultural land, and green spaces. Governments take these issues into account in their immigration policies and seek to control migration flows to mitigate environmental threats. Besides, immigrants from less developed areas may not be familiar with the environmental practices of advanced countries, which can lead to environmental harm. Host countries may structure their environmental policies to indirectly or directly limit migration to prevent environmental degradation. These policies often address issues such as the distribution of natural resources, waste management, and environmental preservation (Turner, 2022: 119).   <ol start="2"> <li> National Values</li> </ol> In addition to national interests, national values play a crucial role in shaping immigration policies. These values encompass the norms, beliefs, and principles that governments utilize to maintain the cultural and social identity of their society (Johnson, 2014: 1231). This paper highlights ethics, customs, and religion as the primary values influencing immigration policies.   Ethics-Based Immigration Policies: Ethics in immigration policies refers to adherence to human principles and human rights in dealing with immigrants. Countries upholding human rights standards typically have more open immigration policies and recognize immigrants as individuals with inherent human rights. The right to movement and migration is one of the fundamental principles in human rights that many nations incorporate into their immigration policies. Nevertheless, conflicts between national interests and security with human rights can sometimes lead to tensions, prompting governments to implement stricter policies (Bader, 2005: 338).   Customs-Based Immigration Policies: Customs, as an integral part of a nation’s identity, significantly influence the development of immigration policies. Governments often strive to protect native norms and traditions to prevent the weakening of national identity. Immigrants with significant cultural differences from the host society may drive social and cultural changes, which can lead to social resistance. In shaping immigration policies, governments are generally more welcoming to immigrants who align with the host society’s customs and traditions, while those with greater cultural differences face more restrictions (Bauböck, 2001: 4).   Religion-Based Immigration Policies: Religion is another influential factor in immigration policies, especially in religiously inclined countries. In nations where religion plays a central role in policymaking, immigrants whose beliefs align with the host country’s dominant religion are often prioritized. For example, Muslim countries may have different policies for Muslim versus non-Muslim immigrants. History has shown that religious differences have often been a significant driver of large-scale migrations around the world (Laliena, 2015: 117).   Conclusion A country’s immigration policies are shaped by a combination of national interests and national values, with both factors simultaneously affecting governmental decisions regarding migration. On one side, national interests – considering factors such as security, economy, and social issues – push governments to adopt policies protecting the host country from the potential impacts of immigration. On the other side, national values, encompassing moral, cultural, and religious norms, play a critical role in determining how immigrants are treated and integrated into society. Accordingly, successful immigration policies strike a balance between these two elements, ensuring national interests are protected while respecting the national values of society. One-sided policies prioritizing only one of these aspects may lead to significant challenges.   Keywords: Immigration Policy, Immigration, National Interests, National Values and Immigrant-Friendly States.   References Bader, V. (2005). The ethics of immigration. Constellations, 12(3), 331-361. Bauböck, R. (2001). Public culture in societies of immigration. Internationell migration och etniska relationer, Malmö högskola. Ceyhan, A. (2001). Terrorisme, immigration et patriotisme, Les identités sous surveillance. Cultures & Conflits, (44), 117-133. Crul, M. (2024). Integration into diversity theory: Renewing–once again–assimilation theory. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 50(1), 257-271. Czaika, M., & De Haas, H. (2013). The effectiveness of immigration policies. Population and Development Review, 39(3), 487-508. De Haas, H. (2021). A theory of migration: The aspirations-capabilities framework. Comparative Migration Studies, 9(1), 1-35. Filipov, I. (2023). Understanding the Migration Experience: Theorizing the Concept. Sci. J. Cahul St. U. Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu, 1(1), 132-151. Helbling, M., Bjerre, L., Römer, F., & Zobel, M. (2017). Measuring immigration policies: The IMPIC database. European Political Science, 16, 79-98. Johnson, K. (2014). Theories of Immigration Law. Arizona State Law Journal, 46(1), 1211-1251. Kenya Revenue Authority. (2015). National values and principles of governance. Pp. 1-22. Laliena, C. (2015). Holy War, Crusade and Reconquista in recent Anglo-American Historiography about the Iberian Peninsula. Imago temporis: Medium Aevum, p. 109-122. <a href="https://doi.org/10.21001/itma.2015.9.04">https://doi.org/10.21001/itma.2015.9.04</a>. Lee, E. S. (1966). A theory of migration. Demography, 3, 47-57. Masri, B., & Crotenco, I. (2020). The neo–realistic approach in modern economic immigration policy. Relaţii internaţionale Plus, 17(1), 215-219. O’Reilly, K. et al. (2023). The Routledge handbook of refugee narratives. London: Routledge. Safi, M. (2006). Le processus d’intégration des immigrés en France: inégalités et segmentation. Revue française de sociologie, 47(1), 3-48. Simpson, J., & Weiner, E. (1989). The Oxford English Dictionary. A Clarendon Press Publication. Torrecilla, E. R. (2002). Immigration et droits de l'homme: défis et perspectives. Université de Gironna, 1-33. Turner, J., & Bailey, D. (2022). ‘Ecobordering’: Casting immigration control as environmental protection. Environmental Politics, 31(1), 110-131. Viprey, M. (2010). Immigration choisie, immigration subie: du discours à la réalité. La Revue de l'Ires, 64(1), 149-169. Weiner, M. (1990). Security, Stability, and International Migration. Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Pp. 5-46. Wickramasinghe, A. A. I. N., & Wimalaratana, W. (2016). International migration and migration theories. Social Affairs, 1(5), 13-32. Zogata-Kusz, A. (2012). Theoretical perspectives on immigration policy and politics. Contemporary European Studies, (01), 5-22.   http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/45596Immigration Policy Immigration National Interests National Values and Immigrant-Friendly States.per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392025-011935169197articleAnalysis of Mirza Malkom Khan's Political Thought with the "Paradigmatic-Implicit" Approachelnaz parvanehzadparvanehzad.elnaz@gmail.com1Assistant Professor, Political Science Department, Bojnord University, Iran. The present writing is essentially an inquiry into the problems of the Naseri society, which also implicitly addresses certain general conditions prior to the Constitutional Revolution. The main issue at hand is the manner in which the intellectuals of that era engaged with the inhibiting traditions, typically articulated through innovative ideas. Mirza Malek Khan is among the intellectuals who manifested significant theoretical actions towards the end of the Naseri period and made considerable efforts to localize the principles of modernity. In exploring the essence of Malek Khan's political thought, this article employs a paradigmatic-semiotic narrative as its theoretical framework, focusing on five historical, foundational, normative, strategic-political, and practical significations to examine the rationale and nature of Malek Khan's ideas and statements in confronting the social, economic, cultural, religious, and political challenges of that time. The central question of this article pertains to how intellectuals of that era—particularly Mirza Malek Khan—conceived their thoughts and the extent of their success in advancing reformative objectives. This inquiry reveals that the endeavor for modern thought emerged both in opposition to and in interaction with tradition. In this context, even Mirza Malek Khan's religious ideas regarding modernity and their relationship with customary and religious traditions exhibit a dual and ambiguous state. At times, he was enamored with Western civilization, while at other times he emphasized establishing a connection and interaction between tradition and modernity. Perhaps it was also the dual political nature and economic benefits enjoyed by power holders at court that led Malek Khan to adopt greater conservatism and caution. In any case, we have utilized a semiotic-paradigmatic narrative as a framework to illuminate certain aspects of Malek Khan's political life through this methodology. The "semiotic-paradigmatic" narrative and its relation to this writing are elucidated within this theoretical framework as discussed.   <h3>The "Paradigm-Referential" Interpretation and Its Relation to the Present Study</h3> Within this theoretical framework, the essence of political thought is analyzed through five referential dimensions: <ol> <li>Historical-Situational Signification: Political thought begins with the thinker’s confrontation with existing problems or crises within their time and context, whereby they explain societal issues in a socio-historical manner.</li> <li>Foundational Signification: "Human happiness" and "public interest" are fundamental concepts in any political thought linked to two identities: one human identity and another collective identity (state/public sphere).</li> <li>Normative Signification: Each political thought provides criteria for desirable social relations through its normative significations to establish an "ideal situation" or those relations deemed "better" for a desirable life.</li> <li>Strategic Signification: In the history of political thought, strategic signification has been articulated around concepts of authority and dialogue in various forms. Strategic signification is recommended based on other significations to achieve foundational signification and its implications.</li> <li>Practical-Operational Signification: Foundational significations and normative significations are realized within public interest, law, citizenship, welfare, and development.</li> </ol> Thus, in delineating Mirza Malek Khan's models and ideas, we confront five primary questions that we will implicitly address concerning these five significations: <ol> <li>What were the main problems or issues facing society during that period?</li> <li>From his personal worldview perspective, what possible solutions did Malek Khan propose?</li> <li>What vision did he have regarding the ideal situation and normative frameworks?</li> <li>What multiple solutions did Malek Khan suggest for addressing the problems of that era?</li> <li>Among possible strategies, which one held greater significance for Malek Khan?</li> </ol>   Signification One: Objective-Practical Contexts for Formulating Malek Khan's Ideas The crises and weaknesses in managing societal affairs were negative characteristics of the Qajar period intertwined with unfavorable political conditions. Economically, each Qajar king inherited from their predecessor; however, it was the degree and manner in which Iranian society was influenced by external (Western-modern) factors that led to consequences such as Iran's defeat in wars against Russia, resulting in weaknesses within Iran's judicial system and difficult economic conditions during the Qajar era.   Signification Two: Intellectual Transformations of Malek Khan and Their Relation to Ideal Social Conditions Malek Khan's intellectual foundations flourished in the West. Amanat writes: "Malek Khan's French education and his familiarity with the Enlightenment movement of the eighteenth century—especially Montesquieu—formed his intellectual foundations; however, Ottoman governmental structures facilitated his reform proposals." The king himself was not well-acquainted with Western political institutions. Yet Malek's significance lay in his ability to intelligently present both ideas and Western organizational structures adapted to Iranian governmental realities. In reviewing Mirza's theories, one often observes dualities; thus, it can be cautiously stated that there are two phases of intellectual-political development evident in his works where certain concepts have undergone conceptual transformations—such as religion in his perspective. In the first phase, we encounter a Mirza who fully advocates for adopting Western traditions; while in the second phase, another aspect emerges where he conditions the application of Western teachings on adhering to Islamic traditions. Consequently, during his initial intellectual activities he writes: "Just as telegraphy can be imported from Europe... so too can its principles be adopted without delay in Iran." In his later thoughts, he adopts a more optimistic view towards religion. For instance, in his treatise "Tawfiq Amanat," he states: "Who in this world is superior to Islamic scholars who possess rights of trust? Islamic scholars are by divine mandate custodians of trust and pillars of national unity." The amalgamation of religious concepts with social issues reveals a more comprehensive theoretical aspect of Malek Khan's intellectual trajectory. He sought to design and implement a new project: "I devised a plan to blend Western reason and politics with Eastern wisdom and religion. I determined that transforming Iran into a European model would be an unproductive endeavor; hence I presented material progress within religious frameworks so my compatriots could grasp those noble meanings." Thus, we can observe three stages in Mirza Malek Khan’s intellectual evolution: <ol> <li>A stage characterized by complete Westernization and dependency on European norms.</li> <li>A stage leaning towards Islam while considering clerical opinions as valid.</li> <li>A stage where secular norms are integrated with empirical sciences and modern capabilities found in developed nations.</li> </ol>   Signification Three: Norms Prevailing During Constitutional Era in Malek Khan’s Thoughts The reform of Iran’s corrupt political, economic, social, and cultural systems during the Naseri period drew reformists' attention towards rectifying national deficiencies. For example, Malek Khan considers "the most significant need of Iranian society not metallic factory products but rather establishing human factories." However, the primary challenge was that thinkers of that era did not know how to transform irrational norms—such as superstition habits or hunger—into reasonable societal standards. Consequently, they concealed their beliefs behind numerous stratagems to engage authentically within Naseri society.   Signification Four: Strategies Employed by Malek Khan for Achieving Socio-Political Solutions A considerable number of pioneering modernists recognized that addressing contemporary backwardness during Naseri’s reign necessitated articulating laws alongside crafting social contracts infused with religious elements and social norms. Leaders of this thought included modernist thinkers like Mirza Malek Khan and Youssef Khan Mostashar al-Dawlah who framed their liberal ideas within familiar religious concepts to garner popular support through religiously progressive clerics. Malek Khan’s expression "wrapping religion" indicates that he felt compelled by societal realities to justify his proposed reforms through religious traditions. He spoke about hidden yet widespread unrest among Muslim communities which Europeans were largely unaware of; he considered this an important reality learned by Iranian modernist thinkers during an age marked by rapid communication advancements facilitating travel as well as dissemination of thoughts. Mirza understood that this order must differ from European order due to stark differences between traditional contexts here compared to European cultural settings. In such an "epistemological crisis," Malek Khan proposed that within one year at legislative assemblies both Sharia laws and customary practices be compiled regarding national administration matters so they could be incorporated into state laws via constitutional legality.   Signification Five: Economic Freedom and Its Relation to Development According to Malek Khan Among thinkers during Naseri’s era, Malek stands out as someone who recognized qualitatively free market relations while aligning himself with its mechanisms based on a form of conceptual equivalence regarding economic freedoms. His economic thoughts are most vividly expressed in his treatise "Principles of Progress," where he discusses conditions conducive to economic growth while advocating for expanded trade relations between governments. Malek Khan’s greatest brilliance lies in understanding national circumstances; he perceived a dynamic economic system as essential within proper governance while emphasizing its interrelation with other human sciences. He regarded Qajar rule among disorganized absolute monarchies where both legislative approval power rested solely with the king. When Naser al-Din Shah sought several reformative actions inspired by new Western civilization norms, Mirza Malek Khan wrote: "The king of Iran claims he is more absolute than all other monarchs over their subjects... There exists a principle among people here whereby whatever wishes the king or officials may desire regarding seizing property or infringing upon lives is entirely at their discretion." This description emerged from a world where free economies could only thrive through economic science coupled with market control tools—particularly through political acumen aimed at enhancing national interests. In conclusion, it suffices to state that Mirza Malek Khan viewed ideological biases along with despotism as principal barriers preventing growth across other governmental dimensions as well as diminishing public efficacy levels. Thus when he published his newspaper "Law," he directed fundamental critiques towards systemic governance—not merely targeting ruling individuals—understanding that chaos within a developed country like Qajar-era Iran could lead to disasters whose rectification would not be achievable soon.   Keywords: Political Thought, Paradigmatic-Semiotic Approach, Mirza Malkam Khan, Modernism, and Constitutionalism   References Akbari, Ali Akbar (2015). Challenges of the Modern Era in Qajar Iran. Tehran: Iran Cultural and Press Institute. [In Persian] Amanat, Abbas (2004). The Pivot of the Universe: Naser al-Din Shah Qajar and the Sovereignty of Iran. Tehran: Karnameh Publications. [In Persian] Adamiyat, Fereydoun (1972). The Idea of Progress and the Rule of Law: The Era of Sepahsalar. Tehran: Kharazmi. [In Persian] Tabatabai, Seyyed Javad (1994). The Decline of Political Thought in Iran. Tehran: Kavir. [In Persian] Malkam Khan, Nazem al-Dowleh (2021). The Book of Regulations (Ketabche-ye Gheibi) and Other Treatises. Tehran: Omid Farda. [In Persian] Malkam Khan, Nazem al-Dowleh (2009). The Treatises of Mirza Malkam Khan. Compiled and introduced by Hojjatollah Asil. Tehran: Ney. [In Persian] Manouchehri, Abbas (2016). Beyond Pain and Dream, Volumes I & II. Tehran: Institute for Islamic History Studies. [In Persian] http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/44091Political Thought Paradigmatic-Semiotic Approach Mirza Malkam Khan Modernism and Constitutionalismper1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392025-011935199243articleCultural Reform and Spiritual Transformation within the Framework of the Rationality and Spirituality Project: A Study of the Political Stances of "Mostafa Malekianmajid sarvandmajid.sarvand@gmail.com1Aliashraf NazariNazarian2004@yahoo.com2Ph.D in Political Science, University of Tehran, Iran.Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Tehran, Iran.For those who observe the intellectual developments of contemporary Iran, the connection between the concept of "spiritual enlightenment" and the name "Mustafa Malekian" is a clear and accepted matter. When it comes to Malekians, more than anything else, the expression of the truth and the reduction of suffering are familiar terms. Malekian considers the last two matters to be the moral duty of every intellectual, which causes tragic aspects in his life. From this point of view, the changes in Malekian's life and the course of his intellectual development can be justified; Thus, his main concern, truth-seeking and reducing human pain and suffering, prompts him to experience different spaces and great thought transformations. From mechanical engineering to seminary education and Islamic philosophy and mysticism, and Islamic fundamentalism and Islamic traditionalism to religious intellectualism and divine existentialism, a path of ups and downs is followed in search of truth and finding a way that ends in liberation and the seal of salvation. In the end, for Malekian, none of the mentioned schools has reached his goal, and his journey in the sphere of life leads him to a destination that he considers to be his own: the project of "rationality and spirituality" and the combination of the two; That is, the thing that can make the "spiritually enlightened" useful in presenting the truth and reduction of suffering, and achieve the aspirational hadith in educating spiritual people and enjoying an authentic life. According to Malekian, "spiritual man" and "genuine life" are the only situations in which human pains and suffering are as low as possible. But to reach that situation, there is a difficult and tortuous path ahead, which can only be passed through "cultural reform" and "spiritual transformation". These last two things are also things that are realized on a subjective/psychological/mental/individual level; Because according to Malekian, social problems and human pains and sufferings in the universe - which for modern man are caused by materialism, science, and crisis of meaning - have a cultural and spiritual solution, and according to his definition and understanding, culture is "individual culture" and It is related to the inner space of a person (mind), it is related to the beliefs, emotions and desires of a person. Also, the change in the field of mind based on the "motivation theory" and "desire-belief theory" leads to a change in human behavior (speech and action) which has its effect on society and its institutions - which according to Malekian, are all abstract matters and They are delusional - including political institutions. Therefore, Malekian believes in the "authenticity of culture", which means that culture has more authenticity, priority, and impact than other areas and areas of individual and collective life - including politics or economy. Therefore, until the element of culture does not change, no fundamental and meaningful transformation can be expected. In this regard, we can refer to the idea of the priority of culture over politics, which is the main focus of the owners' political opinions. Based on this, he emphasized the progress of cultural reforms over political reforms and believes that the change of individual members of the society has priority over superficial and top-down transformations. From this point of view, he uses the term "cultural reform" according to which, "no reform will happen outside unless a transformation and reform has already taken place inside us". Therefore, the transformation in the subjective and personal sphere or the beliefs, feelings, and wishes of the citizens, and other words cultural development, is superior to any transformation in the objective and spatial sphere and the development of civilization. Moreover, in Malekian's thought, cultural reform in the sense of the past will not reach the desired end by itself, unless it is accompanied by "spiritual transformation" which means moving towards "spiritual man" and "spiritual life". It is worth mentioning that Malekian, with the "Rationality and Spirituality Project", considers the function of "religion" to be lacking in the necessary power to meet the problems of today's mankind, and therefore proposes its alternative, which is spirituality. Now, in this cultural reform which has a spiritual direction and is a movement in the direction of the inner transformation of a person and self-fulfillment and realization of his real and original self, the human-centered, individualistic, moral, and psychological aspects become very clear and prominent. From this point of view and in line with the necessity and priority of personal reform and education of healthy and spiritual people, Malekian refers to psychological issues, especially the school of "humanistic psychology" and people like Jung, Maslow and Rogers and topics like Self-actualization, individuality, wholeness and mental health occur. Of course, the opinions of the great philosopher-psychologist William James and also the American moral philosopher, Thomas Nigel, have clearly inspired him in spiritualism and the idea of the authenticity of culture. Also, the opinions of existentialist philosophers such as Heidegger and Kierkegaard, as well as mystical schools and various religions, are his intellectual sources in expressing the characteristics of spiritual man and authentic life. With the explanation that authentic life is the spiritual life of a spiritual person who has achieved the combination of rationality and spirituality, and has achieved a level of self-knowledge, self-development, self-foundation, self-control, and self-fulfillment that can personally give meaning to his life. With his own will and authority, he should step in the direction of his goals make decisions, and act only based on his own understanding. In this way, he overcame his own and his society's problems and reduced the intensity of life's pain and suffering to a minimum. In Malekian's human-centered approach, each human being is unique, the growth of individuality, self-realization, and the flourishing of talents - in fact, the possibility of their potential to act - is one of the necessities of any healthy society. On the other hand, mass society is planned in the direction of assimilation and homogenization of people, and in it, the gradual assimilation with the group and middleness make a person lose self-recognition. And self-improvement and as a result, living based on one's own will and authority and self-understanding is hindered and disrupts the process of individuality. In this way, Malekian's approach can be considered individualistic, so that, in his opinion, all the spiritual people of the world are individualistic, that is, their audience is the individual and not the society. Therefore, their difference with intellectuals and social reformers is that most of them are aimed at reforming society and social institutions, but according to spiritualists, a person's goal should only be to reform himself, and reforming society will be the result of his work. Also, in Malekian's opinion, everything comes back to man. Humans did not come for principles, but principles came for humans and should serve them. Our concern should only be human beings and not any other abstract matter such as tradition, innovation, culture, and even religion; Because religion also came for man, its main concern is his salvation and therefore it is the servant of man. In his view, the institution is also an abstract concept and an imaginary entity, and from the ontological point of view, apart from individuals and human beings with flesh, skin, and blood, there is no such thing as an institution and, accordingly, society, and the change and reform of any institution It is dependent and depends on the reformation of the people who were involved in it and has a role. On this basis, the political transformation is not through a revolution with force and violence and only the transformation of the political regime and macro-structures, but in a reformative and gradual approach through changing the attitude of people creating civil institutions, and adopting democratic and peaceful methods. It will be possible. As a result of what is meant by the authenticity of culture in Malekian's approach, it is important that culture has more authenticity, priority, and impact than other areas and domains of individual and collective life - including politics or economy. Therefore, until the element of culture does not change, no fundamental and meaningful change can be expected. It should be noted that pessimism about politics aversion to politics or lack of interest in interfering in political affairs due to sensitivity to one's own fate and that of one's fellow men are not mentioned here. Also, according to Mustafa Malekian, denying the influence of the political regimes ruling the societies on the nature and fate of the citizens is not the point of the opinion, but it is the basic position in opposition to "politicization" which means to believe that the only problem of the society or big The biggest problem of the society or the cause of the problems of the society is the political system ruling the society, by overthrowing and changing it, all the individual and social issues and problems can be solved. Also, in the opinion of the author of this article, it must be added that in the approach of culturalism that is proposed here, the "political matter" is also not questioned; In such a way that it can be seen as an intellectual-cultural-political current that seeks to challenge the official and dominant discourse from the standpoint of politics, by creating otherness, by organizing the society in its own way. The rejection and negation of the hegemonic model, according to Heidegger, seeks to project other types and ways of being-in-existence and choosing a way of life in which, in its text, individual subjects, while transforming themselves, realize their true self. Self-discovery and individuality, the right to self-determination, and the creation of meaningful and purposeful alternatives for the existing situation are also possible. Finally, Malekian, as one of the most prominent cultural intellectuals, emphasizes the importance of cultural reforms over political reforms and believes that the spiritual transformation and the change of individual members of the society are based on superficial and top-down transformations. It has priority. From this point of view, he uses the term "cultural reform" which means that "no reform will happen outside unless a transformation and reform has already taken place inside us". Therefore, the transformation in the subjective and personal sphere or the beliefs, feelings, and wishes of the citizens, and in other words, cultural development, is superior to any transformation in the objective and universal sphere and civilizational development, including political development, which itself precedes economic development. Has superiority Also, according to him, cultural development in relation to the fight against tyranny is also a priority; Because in some countries like Iran, people are not only tyrannical, but also tyrannical, and there is no guarantee that tyranny will not be reproduced by replacing one political system with another.   Keywords: Malekian, Cultural Reform, Spiritual Transformation, Rationality And Spirituality, Reformism.   References Ahmadi, Fereshte (1392 [2013]) "Individuality is the cornerstone of democracy", Social Science Monthly Book, No. 79, April, pp. 37-41. [In Persian] Fokuhi, Nasser (1392 [2013]) Anthropology and Culturalism. Accessible at: <a href="https://rasekhoon.net/article/show/905839">https://rasekhoon.net/article/show/905839</a> [In Persian] Fromm, Erich (1388 [2009]) Psychoanalysis and Religion, translated by Arsen Nazarian, Tehran, Morwarid. [In Persian] Fromm, Erich (1941) Escape from Freedom, translated by Ezzatullah Fouladvand, Tehran, Morwarid. [In Persian] Fokuhi, Nasser (1392 [2013]) Anthropology and Culturalism. Accessible at: <a href="https://rasekhoon.net/article/show/905839">https://rasekhoon.net/article/show/905839</a> [In Persian] Hałas, Elżbieta (2010) Towards the World Culture Society: Florian Znaniecki's Culturalism. Peter Lang. ISBN 978-3-631-59946-4. <ol start="100"> <li>Petri, Herbert (1382 [2003]) "Abraham Maslow and self-actualization", translated by Jamshid Motahari-Tashi, Marafet, No. 69, Shahrivar, pp. 94-100. [In Persian]</li> </ol> Malekian, Mustafa (1375 [1996]) "Man's Expectation from Religion", in: A Way to Liberation: Essays on Rationality and Spirituality (1390 [2011]), fifth edition, Tehran, Negahemoaser. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (1376 [1997]) "Know Thyself", in: A Way to Liberation: Essays on Rationality and Spirituality (1390 [2011]), Fifth Edition, Tehran, Negahemoaser. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (1377 [1998]) "Holiness, rationality, secularism", in: Mushtaghi & Mahjuri: Dialogue about Culture and Politics (1394 [2015]), Fifth Edition, Tehran, Negahemoaser. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (1379a [2000]) "Secularism and religious government", in: Sunnah and Secularism (1388 [2009]), fifth edition, Tehran, Serat. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (1379b [2000]) "Dialogue about religious sovereignty", in: Moshtaqhi & Mahjuri: Dialogue about Culture and Politics (1394 [2015]), Fifth Edition, Tehran, Negahemoaser. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (1379 [2000]) "Spirituality and love are the summaries of all religions", in: Mushtaqhi & Mehjuri: Dialogue on Culture and Politics (1394 [2015]), fifth edition, Tehran, Negahemoaser. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (1380d [2001]) "Preparing the truth and reduction of suffering; The moral and tragic aspect of intellectual life", in: A Way to Liberation: Essays on Rationality and Spirituality (1392 [2013]) fifth edition, Tehran, Negahemoaser. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (1384 [2005]) "Reviewing Historical Religion", Reflection of Thought, No. 71, pp. 1231-1225. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (1385 [2006]) "Compatibility of spirituality and modernity", Sharq newspaper, No. 835, 05/25/1385, p. 5. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (2008) "Questions about spirituality", in: Tradition and Secularism (2008) fifth edition, Tehran, Serat. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (2008) "Spirituality of the Essence of Religions (1)", in: Tradition and Secularism (2008), fifth edition, Tehran, Serat. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (2008) "Spirituality of the Essence of Religions (2)", in: Tradition and Secularism (2008), fifth edition, Tehran, Serat. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (2008) "Religion and the Crisis of Meaning in the Contemporary World", Strategic Studies, No. 15, pp. 211-201. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (1387a [2009]) "Religious Enlightenment in Conversation with Mustafa Malekian", Etemad Melli Newspaper, 10/21/1387, p. 3. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (1387b [2009]) "Rationality, Spirituality and Enlightenment", in: Arzumandi Hadith (1389 [2011]), Tehran, Negahemoaser. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (1389 [2010]) "Rationality and spirituality after ten years", accessible at: <a href="https://3danet.ir/rationality-and-spirituality-after-ten-years">https://3danet.ir/rationality-and-spirituality-after-ten-years</a> [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (2013 [1392]) "Religion and Religiosity in the Contemporary World", in: A Way to Liberation: Essays on Rationality and Spirituality, fifth edition, Tehran, Negahemoaser. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (1395a [2015]) "Reconcilability/incompatibility of spirituality with rationality", accessible at: <a href="http://neeloofar.org/1395/12/04/041295">http://neeloofar.org/1395/12/04/041295</a> [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (1395b [2015]) "Politicization or depoliticization; The debate between Saeed Hajjarian and Mostafa Malekian", Andishe Poya, No. 33, Special Nowruz, pp. 15-22. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (2016) "The Existential Philosophy of Religious Enlightenment, Its Achievements and Solutions", Accessible at: <a href="https://www.dinonline.com/6545">https://www.dinonline.com/6545</a> [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (2016) "In the necessity of a spiritual solution", Etemad newspaper, 02/09/2016, p. 4. [In Persian] Malekian, Mustafa (2018) Earth through the window of the sky, second edition, Soroush Rumi Publications. [In Persian] Mohajeri, Mohammad Mahdi (2014) "The charm and myth of culturalism; A critique on the spiritualist culturalism of Mustafa Malekian", accessible at: B2n.ir/a18967 [In Persian] Rogers, C. R. (1961) On Becoming a Person: A Therapist's View on Psychotherapy. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. Nye, D. Robert (1381 [2002]) Three Schools of Psychology, Freud's, Skinner's and Rogers' Perspectives, translated by Ahmad Jalali, Tehran, Padrah. [In Persian] Udainik, Vladimir Walter (1379 [2000]) Jung and Politics, translated by Alireza Tayeb, Tehran, Ney. [In Persian] Sanaei, Baqer (1393 [2015]) "Psychology and mental health according to Maslow", Al-Zahra University Journal of Humanities, No. 20, Winter, pp. 13-34. [In Persian] Sharbatian, Mohammad Hassan (1386 [2007]) A reflection on the school of culture and personality or psychological anthropology. Accessible at: <a href="https://anthropologyandculture.com">https://anthropologyandculture.com</a> [In Persian]  http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/42719Malekian Cultural Reform Spiritual Transformation Rationality And Spirituality Reformism.per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392025-011935245281articleThe Foundations of Legitimacy of Mongol Khātūns and Their Role in Their ActionsZekrollah Mohammadize.mohammadi@alzahra.ac.ir1Zahra Rajabirajabi7581@gmail.com2Associate Professor, Department of History, Alzahra University, Tehran, Iran.Ph.D Student, Department of History, Alzahra University, Tehran, Iran.The acquisition of legitimacy has always been an important matter for the establishment and continuity of a government, and the Mongol Empire was no exception to this rule. Among the Mongol Khans, the sanctity of Genghis Khan's ancestors, his divine legitimacy, and his affiliation with the Chinggisid family were considered foundational elements of legitimacy. In the Mongol political system, in addition to the Khans, the Khātūns also held extraordinary power. During the tribal period or pre-empire era of the Mongols, women held a special significance. After the establishment of the empire, they, as the Khātūns of the court, attained a higher status than before. In fact, Khātūns played an active and influential role in many of the decisions of the government in political, military, social, religious, and other areas, and they easily exercised power in any field. It must be said that behind this influence and authority of the Khātūns, there were certainly important and powerful foundations that enabled them to wield power and exert influence across various domains.   Literature Review In some studies and articles, general information about the Mongol Khātūns and their exercise of power can be found. These include: the book Women in Iran during the Mongol Era by Shirin Bayani (2018), and articles such as "The Political, Social, and Cultural Status of Women during the Mongol and Ilkhanid Periods" by Elham Malekzadeh (2006), or the article "Examining and Studying the Status of Women and Khātūns in the Mongol Era Based on Historical Evidence and Archaeological Data" by Yadollah Heydari et al. (2012), as well as the article "The Administrative and Political Role of Mongol Khātūns" by Ahmad Faroughbakhsh (2010), the article "Evaluating the Legitimacy of the Mongol Tribes" by Morteza Nouri (1993), and the article "Power and Legitimacy during the Ilkhanid Period" by Hassan Ansari Qomi (1999). Furthermore, the book Mongol Women in Iran: Khātūns by Bruno di Nicola (2017), the thesis Women among the Mongols by Somayeh Melik Onjel (2019), the article Women in the Mongol Empire by Mark Cartwright (2019), and the article Women in Mongol Society by Per Jange Ostermun (2000) are relevant. This study aims to discuss the sources of legitimacy and power of the Khātūns, as well as their actions and decisions.   Methodology The considerable power and authority of the Mongol Khātūns led the authors of this study to conduct a thorough and in-depth investigation into the origin and source of such power, as well as to discuss the nature and details of their actions and the factors related to them. The goal of this research is to identify and examine the origins and foundations of the Mongol Khātūns' power. The study aims to provide substantiated and reasoned answers to the following questions: What were the foundations of legitimacy and the exercise of power by the Mongol Khātūns? How did they use these foundations in the advancement of their goals? The research methodology is descriptive-analytical in terms of execution and fundamental in terms of purpose. The study utilized documentary (library) data collection methods, with the tool being note taking.   Findings The findings of the research indicate that, in addition to secondary issues, there are at least three main sources of legitimacy for the exercise of power by the Khātūns. These are: the sacred status of women in Mongol traditions, lineage and tribal base, and the role of motherhood or marriage. According to the sources, women held a special place and significance among the Mongols, and one of the reasons for this is the story of the Mongols' ancestor, Alankua. She became pregnant by the will of God without a husband and gained a celestial and virtuous sanctity. In some historical texts, Alankua is considered to have the same sacred status as the Virgin Mary. Therefore, powerful Khātūns also regarded this issue as an important basis for obtaining and maintaining their position. The preservation of lineage and having a clear family tree held particular importance among the Mongol tribes. This important concept was also a strong foundation for the powerful Khātūns. Any Khātūn who came from a famous and important tribe had a solid backing for exercising power. The role of motherhood or marriage was also an important basis, and Khātūns who played the role of mothers were highly influential and significant.   Conclusion The results of the paper show that Khātūns were one of the key and influential elements in the Mongol political system, and through their decisions and actions, they brought about fundamental changes in the Mongol government system. They were able to make generals, nobles, princes, and even Khans subordinate to them by exercising power, and with the influence they gained, they could even change the succession process in favor of themselves and their family. Although the Mongol Khans were very powerful, sometimes the Khātūns were the true rulers of the state and engaged in political activities behind the scenes. The influence that the Khātūns had over the Khans and their entourages is evident in the significant actions that took place. Dismissing and appointing ministers, transferring power from one family to another, ordering the execution or exile of enemies, and appointing relatives and co-religionists to important governmental positions were some of the actions of the Khātūns, backed by the foundations of their power and legitimacy. The status and position of women in Mongol beliefs and traditions reflected the power of the Khātūns in political matters, and this position and value had a significant impact on the political, social, and religious dynamics of Mongol society. Furthermore, with the establishment of the Ilkhanid government in Iran, the status and importance of Mongol Khātūns continued and even influenced the position of women who were not of Mongol origin, leading to the governance of powerful women in areas under Mongol domination.   Keywords: Sacred Tradition of Women, Legitimacy, Power, Mongols, Khātūns.   References Aghabakhshi, Ali, and Mino Afshari Rad (2013) Dictionary of Political Science, 6th edition. Tehran: Čāpār. Ajorlou, Esmail, and Daniyal Taheri (2015) Getting to Know the Concepts of Public Law: Examining the Concept of "Political Power," scientific supervisor Ali Bahadori Jahromi. Tehran: Pazhūhe&scaron;kadeh-ye &Scaron;ūrā-ye Negahbān. [In Persian] Alem, Abdurrahman (1998) Foundations of Political Science. Tehran: Ney. [In Persian] ‘Amīd, Ḥassan (2010) Farhang-e Fārsī. Azizullah Alizadeh, Tehran: Rāh-e Ro&scaron;d. [In Persian] Ayati, Abdolmohammad (1993) Taḥrīr-e Tārīḵ-e Vaṣṣāf, 2nd edition. Tehran: Cultural Studies and Research. [In Persian] Banākatī, Dāvood b. Mohammad (1348) Tārīḵ-e Banākatī, edited by Jafar Shoar. Tehran: National Art Association. [In Persian] Barkhausen, Joachim (1967) L'Empire Jaune de Genghis Khan, translated by Ardeshir Nikpour. Tehran: Dāvar Panāh. Bayani, Shirin (2010) Religion and Government in Iran during the Mongol Era, Volume 1, 4th edition. Tehran: Academic Publishing Center. [In Persian] Bayani, Shirin (2017) Women in Iran during the Mongol Era, 4th edition. Tehran: University of Tehran. [In Persian] Bayani, Shirin (2021) Religion and Government in Iran during the Mongol Era, Volume 2, 4th edition. Tehran: Academic Publishing Center. [In Persian] Carpini, Giovanni de Piano (1984) Histoire des Mongols, que nous appelons tartares, translated by Waliullah Shadan. Tehran: Yesāvūlī. [In Persian] Chao-Pi-Shi Yuan (2003) Histoire Secrète des Mongols, translated by Shirin Bayani, 4th edition. Tehran: University of Tehran. [In Persian] Ejtehadi, Mostafa (2012) Encyclopaedia of Iranian Women, Volume 1. Tehran: Persian Encyclopaedia Foundation of the Ministry of Science, Research, and Technology. [In Persian] Emami Khoei, Mohammad Taqi (2021) Turks, Mongols, and the Spread of Iranian Culture. Tehran: Negārestān-e Andī&scaron;eh. [In Persian] Eqbal Ashtiani, Abbas (1986) Mongol History from Genghis's Attack to the Formation of the Timurid Government, 6th edition. Tehran: Amīr Kabīr. [In Persian] ḵāndmīr, Ḡīyāṯ ul-Dīn b. Hamām ul-Dīn (2001) Tārīḵ-e Ḥabīb ul-Sīyar fī Aḵbār Afrād al-Ba&scaron;ar, Volume 3, with an introduction by Jalal al-Din Homaei, 4th edition. Tehran: Ḵayyām. [In Persian] Grousset, René (2000) L'Empire des Steppes: Attilas, Gengis Khan, Tamerlan, translated by Abdul Hossein Mikdeh, 4th edition. Tehran: Scientific and Cultural. [In Persian] Hall, Mary (2001) The Mongol Empire, translated by Nader Mirhosseini. Tehran: Qoqnūs. Lane, George (2021) Daily Life in the Mongol Empire, translated by Saeed Duroudi. Tehran: Āgāh. [In Persian] Machiavelli, Niccolo (2004) The Prince, translated by Mahmoud Mahmoud, 2nd edition. Tehran: ʿAṭṭār. [In Persian] Mo‘īn, Moḥammad (2006) Farhang-e Mo‘īn. Tehran: Ādenā. [In Persian] Morgan, David (2001) The Mongols, translated by Abbas Mokhbar, 2nd edition. Tehran: Center. [In Persian] Mostūfī, Ḥamdollāh (1983) Tārīḵ-e Gozīdeh, by Abdul Hossein Navaei, 2nd edition. Tehran: Amīr Kabīr. [In Persian] Naḵǰavānī, Moḥammad b. Hendū&scaron;āh (1964) Dastūr ul-Kātīb fī Taʿīīn al-Marātīb, Vol. 2, edited by Abdul Karim Ali Oghli Alizadeh. Moscow. [In Persian] Plato (1989) Republic, translated by Fu'ad Rouhani. Tehran: Scientific and Cultural. Rush, Michael (1998) Politics and Society: An Introduction to Political Sociology, translated by Manouchehr Sabouri. Tehran: Samt. [In Persian] Russell, Bertrand (1988) Power, translated by Najaf Daryabandari. Tehran: Ḵārazmī. [In Persian] &Scaron;abānkāreʾī, Moḥammad b. ʿAlī b. Moḥammad (1984) Maǰmaʿ ul-Ansāb, edited by Mirhashem Mohhaddeth. Tehran: Amīr Kabīr. [In Persian] Ucok, Bahriye (1995) Islamic Devletlerinde Kadin Hukumdarlar, translated by Mohammad Taghi Emami. Tehran: Kūroū&scaron;. [In Persian] Vāleh Eṣfahānī Qazvīnī, Moḥammad Yūsuf (1379/2000) Ḵold-e Barīn: Tārīḵ-e Teīmūrīyān va-Turkamānān, Vols. 6 and 7, edited by Mirhashem Mohhaddes. Tehran: Mīrāṯ-e Maktūb. [In Persian] Vincent, Andrew (2004) Theories of the State, translated by Hossein Bashiriyeh, 4th edition. Tehran: Ney. Vladimirtsov, Boris Iakovlevich (2006) Le Régime Social des Mongols: Le Féodalisme Nomade, translated by Shirin Bayani, 4th edition. Tehran: Scientific and Cultural. [In Persian] Vladimirtsov, Boris Iakovlevich (2015) Genghis Khan, translated by Shirin Bayani, 4th edition. Tehran: Asāṭīr. [In Persian] Watt, Jones (1991) Masters of Political Thought, translated by Ali Ramin, 3rd edition. Tehran: Amīr Kabīr. [In Persian] Weber, Max (1989) Basic Concepts of Sociology, translated by Ahmad Sadraei. Tehran: Dāne&scaron;gāhī. [In Persian] Weber, Max (1995) Economy and Society, translated by Abbas Manouchehri and others. Tehran: Mūlā. http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/42254Sacred Tradition of Women Legitimacy Power Mongols Khātūns.per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392025-011935283312articleThe Political Thought of "Imam Musa Sadr" with a Focus on the Model of Convergence and Coexistence Among Ethnicities and ReligionsMahdi Ghasemi varjanishahed01@chmail.ir1abolfazl shakooria.shakoori@modares.ac.ir2Saiedalireza Hosseinibeheshtia.hosseinibeheshti@modares.ac.ir3Ph.D in Political Thought, Tarbiat Modares University, Iran.Retired Associate Professor of Political Science Department, Tarbiat Modares University, Iran. Assistant Professor, Political Science Department, Tarbiat Modares University, Iran.Our world is not a single unified global community but one composed of diverse societies with distinct cultures—a diversity that has existed throughout history. Ethnicities, religions, and languages represent this irreducible plurality, arising from various origins and sources. Thus, multicultural societies have developed within the contexts of ancient civilizations, preserving their plurality within the framework of legal boundaries and structures. Among these, Lebanon, with its historical background and as a multicultural society, deserves particular attention. Despite its small geographical size, Lebanon holds significant regional and trans-regional importance. Its influence and susceptibility to global and trans-regional events have been consistently evident throughout its history. Lebanon, with its historical legacy, encompasses communities of various ethnicities, religions, and cultures, undoubtedly classifying it as a multicultural society. Ethnically, Lebanon consists predominantly of Arabs, with smaller groups of Kurds and Armenians (the latter considered a religious minority). However, its religious diversity is profound. Lebanon is a society characterized by the coexistence of ethnic, religious, and cultural communities, governed by a distinctive configuration of power and political structure. Yet, cultural and ethnic divisions pose significant challenges, which have nevertheless shaped the country’s political and social unity. This study aims to employ Thomas Spragens' crisis theory as a framework for understanding political thought. It seeks to identify the challenges and issues of Lebanon’s multicultural society, analyze the underlying causes of its crises, and explore potential solutions based on proven experiences. In the phase of reconstructing the ideal political society and offering remedies, the study evaluates John Rawls’ theory of overlapping consensus while analyzing the political thought of Imam Musa Sadr in the context of Lebanon’s multicultural society. This exploration underscores that the only viable path to resolving the political deadlock in countries like Lebanon lies in transitioning from temporary compromises to a political system based on overlapping consensus. This study finds that Imam Musa Sadr, as a leader of Lebanon’s Shia community, sought to transcend sectarian self-interest and establish the foundations for overlapping consensus among Lebanon’s sects, groups, and political parties through religious tolerance and mutual understanding. Rawls argues that comprehensive doctrines (including religious ones) that insist on the exclusive truth of their beliefs, when granted political power, will impose those beliefs. Therefore, Rawls’ first step is to propose a political conception of justice detached from any comprehensive philosophical, religious, or ethical doctrine. The second step is overlapping consensus, demonstrating how this conception can gain acceptance among conflicting doctrines. Accordingly, this study examines Rawls’ works on justice, political thought, and The Law of Peoples, alongside the writings, articles, and interviews of Imam Musa Sadr, particularly those addressing human roles in society, freedom, justice, and the role of religion. The objective is to extract strategies for coexistence and solidarity among Lebanon’s diverse ethnic and religious groups, based on Rawlsian overlapping consensus. Through studying Imam Musa Sadr’s speeches and actions, this research identifies his political thought and evaluates its alignment with Rawls’ overlapping consensus approach in fostering convergence and coexistence among Lebanon’s ethnic and religious groups. By analyzing his foundational ideas, the study derives his principles and strategies for achieving consensus. Imam Musa Sadr’s engagement with politics was not that of a philosopher or theorist but rather a lived political experience. He did not theorize political issues but instead established a new socio-political mode of living through practice and experience. His political thought is thus original, directly addressing the real issues faced by the Lebanese society in which he operated. As a reformist leader in Lebanon’s diverse society, Imam Musa Sadr presented a practical model compatible with its sociopolitical conditions (comprising various sects and religions). By introducing these ideas into the public domain and rejecting temporary compromises, he successfully overcame sectarian and secular dichotomies, working toward a cohesive society. Imam Musa Sadr emphasized humanity and human dignity, defining justice and rights, and fostering solidarity and mutual respect. He paved the way for freedom and justice in a multicultural society, arguing that unity and harmony must be achieved through genuine respect and trust rather than compromise. He envisioned a society where all sects and religions pursue their rights while contributing to national interests and social solidarity, advancing toward a just society. Imam Musa Sadr’s ideas on justice are rooted in creation and derived from the Creator. Consequently, adherence to divine laws and principles constitutes justice itself. He sought to correct disparities and inequalities through restorative justice, guiding them toward consensus and convergence. Aligning with Rawlsian overlapping consensus, he aimed to establish a unifying divine government with shared objectives in Lebanon’s multicultural society. In addressing the dual concepts of temporary compromise and overlapping consensus in Lebanon’s multicultural society, Imam Musa Sadr articulated justice and rights while fostering solidarity and mutual respect. His efforts made Rawlsian institutional consensus a reality, paving the way for freedom and justice in a multicultural society. He maintained that unity and harmony must be built on trust and genuine respect rather than compromise. In Lebanon’s multicultural and diverse context, Imam Musa Sadr took significant steps to strengthen coexistence. A cornerstone of his approach was fostering understanding and rapprochement between Sunni and Shia communities. His efforts in this direction were rooted in his earlier intellectual, religious, and anthropological principles, which laid the groundwork for his unity-oriented initiatives in Lebanon and other Islamic countries. Upon arriving in Lebanon in 1959, he immediately established friendly relations with Sunni scholars in Tyre, laying the foundation for interfaith dialogue. Imam Musa Sadr viewed the Quranic concept of kalima sawaʾ (common ground) as a model for security, stability, and national cooperation within overlapping consensus. He promoted dialogue among Lebanon’s ethnic and religious groups, adopting a pluralistic perspective and striving for a uniquely Lebanese discourse. One essential principle in fostering solidarity, according to Imam Musa Sadr, is mutual respect. With slight modification, this principle aligns closely with the conditions necessary for Rawlsian institutional consensus. As Rawls argues, institutional consensus requires political principles and ideals rooted in political justice and capable of engaging citizens’ foundational beliefs. Similarly, Imam Musa Sadr emphasized that any societal framework, from small village communities to large organizations like the United Nations, must rest on principles grounded in concrete realities, especially those tied to deep historical, geographical, human, and religious roots. Drawing on rational principles, Imam Musa Sadr sought both theoretically and practically to establish a foundation for justice—particularly social, political, and economic justice. His efforts improved the conditions of Lebanon’s Shia community, transforming it from a marginalized and impoverished group into an empowered and influential segment of Lebanese society. In summary, this research concludes that the only path out of political deadlock in countries like Lebanon lies in transitioning from temporary compromises to a political system based on overlapping consensus. The hypothesis of this study rests on the political thought of Imam Musa Sadr, emphasizing peaceful coexistence among Lebanon’s religious, sectarian, and ethnic groups through the Rawlsian model of overlapping consensus rather than temporary compromise. This approach, as seen in a key period of Lebanese history, highlights the dangers of reverting to temporary compromises in contemporary Lebanon, which could perpetuate political deadlock in its multicultural society.   Keywords: Imam Musa Sadr, John Rawls, Convergence, Overlapping Consensus, Lebanon   References Abdoli, Masouma (2019) Imam Musa Sadr's Philosophy of Education. Tehran: Scientific and Cultural Publications. [In Persian] Abukhalil, As’ad (1989) "The society and its environment." In Thomas Collelo (Ed.), Lebanon: A Country Study. Washington: Library of Congress. Ajmoglu, Daron, & Robinson, James E. (2018) The Narrow Path of Azadi. Translated by Seyed Alireza Hosseini Beheshti & Jafar Khairkhahan. Tehran: Rozeneh. [In Persian] Allen, D. (2004) Talking to Strangers: Anxieties of Citizenship Since Brown v. Board of Education. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Alizadeh, Hadi (1989) Political Culture of Lebanon. Translated by Mohammad Reza Golsarkhi & Mohammad Reza Memari. Tehran: Nesher Sefir. [In Persian] Arnsperger, Christian, & Picavet, Emmanuel B (2004) "More than modus vivendi, less than overlapping consensus: Towards a political theory of social compromise." London: SAGE Publications. Assaf, Noura (2004) Consociational Theory and Democratic Stability: A Re-examination Case Study: Lebanon. PhD Thesis, University of Warwick, UK. Avdi, Colin Mack, & Jones, Richard (1990) Historical Atlas of the World Population. Translated by Fereydoun Nazimi. Tehran: Nesher Center. [In Persian] Bagheri, Khosrow (2016) "The limits and necessities of tolerance with religions and rituals: An explanation from Imam Musa Sadr's educational point of view." 46th Monthly Lesson of Thought and Action. Available at: <a href="https://imamsadr.ir/12573/12573/">https://imamsadr.ir/12573/12573/</a>. [In Persian] Barakat, Halim (1973) "Social and Political Integration in Lebanon: A Case of Social Mosaic." Middle East Journal. Barth, F. (1969) Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. UK: Wavehand Press. Bashiriyeh, Hossein (2000) Theories of Culture in the 20th Century. Tehran: Aindeh Pouan Cultural Institute. [In Persian] Bathai, Seyyed Ali (2013) Factors of Shia Progress in the Contemporary World. Qom: Adian Publishing House. [In Persian] Beaumont, Peter, et al. (1990) Middle East. Translated by Mohsen Madirshane Chi et al. Mashhad: Astan Qods Razavi Cultural Vice-Chancellor. [In Persian] Beheshti, Alireza. Lectures on "Social Justice in Multicultural Societies" - Session 25/Final: Summary: Overlapping Consensus Among Cultural Societies Based on National Identity. Available at: http://alirezabeheshti.com/latest-notes. [In Persian] Beheshti, Seyed Alireza (2016) Theoretical Foundation of Politics in Multicultural Societies. Tehran: Nahid. [In Persian] Blatti, Anil (2009) "Culture, Diversity, and Similarity: A Reflection on Heterogeneity and Homogeneity." Social Scientist, 37(7-8), 33-49. Bonacich, E. (1972) "A Theory of Ethnic Antagonism: The Split Labour Market." Chaoul, Milhem (2015) "A Associação de Minorias: A Fórmula Libanesa." Paper presented at I Seminário Internacional Brasil-Líbano, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 25 November. Collelo, Thomas (Ed.) (1987) Lebanon: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress. David, C. Gordon. (n.d.) The Republic of Lebanon: Nation in Jeopardy. Westview Press. de Vaumas, E. (1955) La Répartition Confessionelle au Liban et L’Équilibre Libanais. Rowe Goog. D.bell (1993) Communitarianism and its Critics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Drysdel, Alasdair, & Blake, Gerald H. (1990) Political Geography of the Middle East and North Africa. Translated by Dera Mir Haidar (Mahajarani) Tehran: Bureau of Political and International Studies. [In Persian] Eisenberg, A. (2004) Is Multiculturalism Eroding Support for Welfare Provision? The British Case. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Farkhian, Mehdi (2006) Kidnapped Thought. Tehran: Publications of Imam Musa Sadr Cultural Research Institute. [In Persian] Firhi, Daoud (2013) "Speech on the Ideal Model of Government from the Perspective of Imam Musa Sadr." Available at: https://moqawama.ir/?special=imam_sadr_governance_model_dr_feyrahi_930904 /moqawama.ir. [In Persian] Gebhardt, Hans, et al. (2005) History, Space and Social Conflict in Beirut: The Quarter of Zokak el-Blat. Beirut: Orient Institute. Goldman, G. (2000) "Defining and Observing Minorities: An Objective Assessment." IAOS Conference, Montreux, Switzerland, 4-8 September. Gonzalez-Casanova, P. (1965) "Internal Colonialism and National Development." Hakopian, Elin C. (2018) "The Role of the Maronite Element in the Formation and Collapse of Lebanon." Translated by Fereydoun Dolatshahi. Political and Economic Information, 4th Year, No. 4, March. [In Persian] Harb, Imad (2006) "Lebanon’s Confessionalism: Problems and Prospects." United States Institute of Peace. Available at: <a href="https://www.usip.org/publications/2006/03/lebanons-confessionalism-problems-and-prospects">https://www.usip.org/publications/2006/03/lebanons-confessionalism-problems-and-prospects</a>. Harb, Mona, & Leenders, Reinoud (2005) "Know Thy Enemy: Hizbullah, ‘Terrorism,’ and the Politics of Perception." Third World Quarterly, 26(1). Hashemi, Nader, & Postel, Danny (Eds.) (2017) Sectarianization: Mapping the New Politics of the Middle East. London: C. Hurst & Co. Hazmat, Reza (2017) Managing Cultural Diversity. Translated by Abdul Karim Hassi N. Zadeh. Tehran: Rozeneh Publications. [In Persian] Hettene, B. (1996) Ethnicity and Development: An Elusive Relationship. UK: Kohn Wiley & Sons. Hinnells, John R. (1988) Dictionary of Religions. Great Britain: Richard Clay Ltd. Hojjati Kermani, Ali (2013) Lebanon According to Imam Musa Sadr and Dr. Chamran. Tehran: Qalam. [In Persian] Hourani, Albert (1986) "Migration of Shia Scholars from Jabal Amal to Iran." Translated by Morteza Asaadi. Kiyan Farhangi, 3rd Year, No. 8, November. [In Persian] Jamali, Dima (2001) Administrative Reforms in Pluralistic Societies: The Case of Lebanon. PhD Thesis, University of Kent, UK. John Rawls (1995) "Reply to Habermas." Translated by Ciaran Cronin. The Journal of Philosophy, 92. John Rawls (1996) Political Liberalism. New York: Columbia University Press. John Rawls (1999) The Law of Peoples, with the Idea of Public Reason Revisited. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Kamalian, Mohsen, & Ranjbar Kermani, Ali Akbar (2009) Ezzat Shia. Tehran: Author. [In Persian] Kazemi, Massoud (1989) Israel's Strategy in Lebanon. Bachelor’s Thesis, International Relations, Faculty of International Relations, Ministry of Foreign Affairs. [In Persian] Kazemi, Reza (2003) "John Rawls, Philosopher of Justice." Democracy, 2/23/82, p. 5. [In Persian] Kingston, Paul (2013) Reproducing Sectarianism: Advocacy Networks and the Politics of Civil Society in Postwar Lebanon. New York: SUNY Press. Lak, Jan (2008) A Treatise on Government. Translated by Hamid Azdanlou. Tehran: Ney Publishing. [In Persian] Lakzaei, Sharif (2017) Introduction to the Political Thought of Imam Musa Sadr. Qom: Research School of Political Science and Thought. Available at: http://www.imam-sadr.com//tabid/113/ArticleId/5424/.aspx [In Persian] Lerner, D., & Schramm, W. (Eds.) (1967) Communication and Change in the Developing Countries. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Maasoumi, Ali (2008) Political Sociology of the Middle East and North Africa. Tehran: Shahid Beheshti University. [In Persian] Maclure, J., & Taylor, C. (2004) Secularism and Freedom of Conscience. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Makdisi, Ussama (2000) The Culture of Sectarianism: Community, History, and Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon. Berkeley: University of California Press. Mansour, Imad (2016) Statecraft in the Middle East: Foreign Policy, Domestic Politics, and Security. London: I.B. Tauris. Mearsheimer, John J., & Walt, Stephen M. (2007) The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux. Mingst, Karen A., & Arreguín-Toft, Ivan M. (2017) Essentials of International Relations. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. Najjar, Fauzi M. (2000) "The Crisis of Secularism in the Arab World." Arab Studies Quarterly, 22(2). Nasr, Vali (2006) The Shia Revival: How Conflicts within Islam Will Shape the Future. New York: W.W. Norton. Nawafal, Wahib (1979) Lebanon: State of the Siege. Translated by Mohammad Reza Hafezian. Tehran: Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance. [In Persian] Norton, Augustus Richard (2007) Hezbollah: A Short History. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Qutb, Sayyid (2003) Milestones. Translated by Saeed Kamali. Tehran: Elm Publications. [In Persian] Rawls, John (2001) Justice as Fairness: A Restatement. Edited by Erin Kelly. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Rouhana, Nadim N. (1997) Palestinian Citizens in an Ethnic Jewish State: Identities in Conflict. New Haven: Yale University Press. Rubenstein, Richard E. (1987) Alchemists of Revolution: Terrorism in the Modern World. New York: Basic Books. Saikal, Amin (2019) Iran Rising: The Survival and Future of the Islamic Republic. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Salamey, Imad (2013) The Government and Politics of Lebanon. London: Routledge. Saliba, Issam (2006) "Lebanon’s Legal System and Research." Law Library of Congress. Available at: https://maint.loc.gov/law/help/legal-research-guide/lebanon.php. Samii, Abbas William (2008) "A Stable Structure on Shifting Sands: Assessing the Hizbullah-Iran-Syria Relationship." Middle East Journal, 62(1). Sariolghalam, Mahmoud (2005) Understanding the Political Culture of the Middle East. Tehran: Ministry of Foreign Affairs. [In Persian] Sassanpour, Cyrus (1992) "The Economic Impact of the Gulf War on the Middle East." Middle East Journal, 46(1). Seyyed Nasser, Mousavi Bani (2015) Confessionalism and National Identity in Lebanon. Tehran: Research Center for Strategic Studies. [In Persian] Shils, Edward (1957) "Primordial, Personal, Sacred, and Civil Ties." The British Journal of Sociology, 8(2). Shlaim, Avi (2000) The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World. New York: W.W. Norton. Smith, Anthony D. (1991) National Identity. Reno: University of Nevada Press. Tabatabai, Sadegh (1998) Lebanon and the Awakening of Islam. Tehran: Center for Islamic Revolution Documents. [In Persian] Taylor, Charles (1994) Multiculturalism: Examining the Politics of Recognition. Edited and introduced by Amy Gutmann. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Tilly, Charles (2003) The Politics of Collective Violence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Van Dam, Nikolaos (2011) The Struggle for Power in Syria: Politics and Society under Asad and the Ba'th Party. London: I.B. Tauris. Wimmer, Andreas (2002) Nationalist Exclusion and Ethnic Conflict: Shadows of Modernity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Young, Michael (2010) The Ghosts of Martyrs Square: An Eyewitness Account of Lebanon's Life Struggle. New York: Simon & Schuster.     http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/37258Imam Musa Sadr John Rawls Convergence Overlapping Consensus Lebanon per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392025-011935313346articleThe Influence of Allama Iqbal's Political Thought on Afghanistan's Political Movements (Jamiat-e-Islami and Harakat-e-Islami Parties)َAbdolrasool hasanifarhasanifar@lihu.usb.ac.ir1Hussain Aqa Mowafaqmowafaq3858@gmail.com2Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Sistan and Baluchestan, Zahedan, Iran.M.A of Political Science,University of Sistan and Baluchestan, Iran.Allama Iqbal is among the intellectuals whose political thought has influenced many thinkers and political movements in various countries, both during his lifetime and posthumously, particularly in Islamic countries. This article employs a descriptive-analytical approach to examine the impact of Allama Iqbal's political thought on the Jamiat-e-Islami (Islamic Society) and Harakat-e-Islami(Islamic Movement) of Afghanistan, two prominent Islamic-oriented parties in the country. The key aspects of Iqbal's political thought, including Islamic unity and awakening, anti-colonialism, independence, self-renewal, reform of religious and social thinking, and his utopia, have significantly influenced the recent political struggles of Muslim movements. By examining relevant texts and interviews with experts on the subject, it was explained that this influence was mostly through Iqbal's patriotic poems on the mentioned parties. Furthermore, it is revealed that the ideologues of these movements, namely Burhanuddin Rabbani and Ayatollah Mohseni, have been more influenced by Allama Iqbal's political thought compared to others. Overall, the aforementioned parties were also influenced by Iqbal's political thought through their own ideologues. Allama Iqbal, a prominent poet and thinker of the East, is one of the leaders of the religious reform movement whose thoughts and poetry have significantly influenced the intellectual and political currents in various countries, particularly among Muslim nations. An examination of Iqbal's works reveals several focal points that collectively shape his political thought, analyzing both the crises and their causes, as well as the ideal society and the pathways to achieve it. Iqbal held a particular affection for Afghanistan, a sentiment notably linked to the country's independence, which was achieved during his time through the resistance of its people against British forces. He regarded Afghanistan's independence as auspicious for the future of Muslims in India, thus placing his hopes on this land. He had a special admiration for Amanullah Khan and Nadir Shah (the kings of Afghanistan during Iqbal's era), which appears to stem from their roles in securing the country's independence during Amanullah Khan’s reign and Nadir Shah’s subsequent protection of it. Given Iqbal's connection with Afghanistan, his portrayal of this country, and his respect for its kings (Amanullah Khan and Nadir Shah), along with his status as a leading figure in the religious reform movement whose ideas—especially his political thought—have influenced many Islamist movements, it is essential to explore the impact of Iqbal's thoughts on the political landscape of Afghanistan in a standalone article. Therefore, the primary question of this paper is: What is the influence of Allama Iqbal's political thought on political movements in Afghanistan (particularly Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami)? This article employs a descriptive-analytical methodology. Initially, it describes, interprets, and analyzes existing data, followed by conclusions drawn from research questions. To conduct a thorough investigation of the topic, we first provide an overview of Allama Iqbal's political thought and subsequently examine its impact on Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami in Afghanistan. In gathering information, we first consulted Iqbal’s texts and poetry as well as other writings related to his political thought. Following this, we conducted an in-depth analysis of written works from Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami that pertain to this article’s subject matter, especially focusing on the works of ideologues from these movements, articles, and other published materials in newspapers and other publications associated with these parties. Additionally, interviews were conducted with several experts familiar with the political movements to understand better Iqbal's influence on them. Although most of Iqbal’s remaining works are poetic in nature, they all possess a political hue. Iqbal endeavored to address crises while proposing solutions within these works. In some instances, he describes the conditions of his time and society; in others, he articulates visions of an ideal society and pathways to achieve it. The foundation for this political thought lies within a pervasive crisis that has afflicted Muslim countries and deepened over time according to Iqbal’s perspective. Observing the plight of modern humanity and its challenges, particularly among Easterners—especially Muslims—and recognizing the multifaceted impacts of Western influence across various dimensions within Islamic lands underscored the urgent need for revitalization among people in both East and West. Factors such as atheism and secularism in the West and their impact on Eastern cultures, along with Muslims' lagging behind fundamental belief principles, inspired Iqbal’s formulation of his political ideas. To comprehend this description and Iqbal's proposed solutions to issues, some key themes in his political thought include: <ol> <li>Unity and Islamic Awakening</li> <li>Iqbal's Perspective on the West</li> <li>Return to Self</li> <li>Revitalization of Religious Thought and Social Reform</li> <li>Iqbal's Ideal Society</li> </ol> Considering these themes, Allama Iqbal's political thought has influenced various political movements in Afghanistan, particularly Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami.   The impact of Iqbal's ideas on Jamiat-e Islami is most evident in the thoughts of Burhanuddin Rabbani, who led this movement for at least four decades. Rabbani was familiar with Iqbal and frequently referenced him in his speeches. For instance, during a speech regarding Kashmir's situation, he repeatedly addressed Iqbal directly and cited his poetry. Other prominent leaders within Jamiat-e Islami were also influenced by Allama Iqbal; for example, Ahmad Shah Massoud—national hero—had an affinity for poetry and occasionally recited Iqbal’s verses; similarly, Marshal Mohammad Qasim Fahim expressed particular admiration for Iqbal’s poetry and ideas. Furthermore, manifestations of Allama Iqbal's political thought can be observed in publications associated with Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan, especially during periods of jihad and resistance. The publication of Iqbal’s heroic poetry in this party's journals undoubtedly served to bolster the morale of Mujahideen fighters while fostering unity among Afghan people as well as instilling an anti-colonial spirit among readers. The political ideas expressed by Allama Iqbal have also influenced poets within this movement; for instance, Mustamand—a poet associated with this group—prefers Iqbal above all others, noting that he was a poet for Islam whose verses were dedicated to awakening Muslims worldwide. Writers, scholars, and senior members of Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan consider the influence of Allama Iqbal’s political thought on their movement both natural and commendable. They believe that Jamiat-e Islami has benefited more than any other group from Iqbal’s thoughts and poetry—especially during periods of jihad and resistance—drawing upon themes such as unity and awakening among Muslims as well as anti-colonialism. Similarly, Harakat-e Islami Afghanistan—the first Shia Islamist party that played a significant role during the Afghan people's jihad against communist rule—has also been influenced by Allama Iqbal's political thought. This movement was led by Ayatollah Mohseni—a distinguished Islamic scholar known for advocating unity among different sects within Islam—who was respected by Afghan people for his calls for unity and reconciliation among various Islamic sects. Although traces of Allama Iqbal’s political thought are evident within sections of Harakat-e Islami's manifesto—such as establishing an Islamic justice system based on Quranic laws combined with reason; rejecting colonial dependency; striving for Muslim unity; creating a powerful Islamic presence globally—this influence can also be observed through publications affiliated with this party during periods of jihad where various articles referenced Iqbal’s thoughts and poetry. Ayatollah Mohseni frequently cited Allama Iqbal’s ideas within his speeches and writings that conveyed messages about awakening, unity against foreign oppression, independence-seeking efforts alongside self-improvement initiatives aimed at societal reform. He acknowledged Western civilization as materially advanced while permitting its utilization but regarded Muslims as superior concerning philosophical foundations and ethical principles—a view shared by Allama Iqbal himself. The ideologue behind Harakat-e Islami (Ayatollah Mohseni) similarly identified excessive mysticism as one factor contributing to Muslim backwardness while emphasizing self-returning efforts towards societal reform akin to those advocated by Allama Iqbal—including equal rights for women. Overall, Allama Iqbal's political thought has profoundly impacted both Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami Afghanistan—particularly during periods marked by jihad and resistance—primarily through his heroic poetry that continues to resonate deeply within these movements.   Keywords: Political Thought, Allama Iqbal, Afghanistan, Jamiat-e-Islami (Islamic Society), Harakat-e-Islami(Islamic Movement).   References AbdulRazak, Mohd Abbas (2011) Iqbal: An Analysis on his Life, Works and Mission, Journal of Islam in Asia, Sp1, No. 4, pp. 365-381. Ahmad, Javeed (2018) Allama Iqbal and His Concept of Self, International Journal of Research in Humanities, Arts and Literature, vol. 6, issue 2, pp. 309-326. Akram, Syed Muhammad (1970) Iqbal on the Path of Maulvi, Pakistan, Islamic Lahore. Afzal Dar, Mohsin (2013) Social Philosophy of Allama Muhammad Iqbal: View on Ummah and Islamic Society, Islamic and Muslim Societies: A Social Science Journal, vol. 6, No. 1. Arani, Abuzar (2013) "Acquaintance with the Pioneers of Islamic Awakening - Iqbal Lahori", Habal-ul-Mattin scientific-specialist quarterly, third volume, sixth issue, pp. 167-171. Begzad, Naji (2018) Political Thought of Ostad Rabbani, Kabul, Parand. Daulat-Abadi, Basir Ahmad (1992) Identification of Afghanistan's Political Parties and Currents, Qom, Fransher. Fakhr-ul-Islam (2018) Allama Iqbal and the Afghans, Pakistan- Annual Research Journal, vol. No. 54, pp. 83-97. Haqiqat Rafi, Abdul Rafi (1978) Iqbal Sharq, Tehran, Nouriani Charitable Foundation. Hasanifar, Abdolrasool (2017) "The Relationship Between Philosophy and Poetry in Iqbal and Plato's Utopia", Modern Wisdom, Research Center for Humanities and Cultural Studies, 9th year, 1st issue, pp. 45-66. Hashemi, Mohammad (2017) A Journey Through the Islamic-Social Thoughts of Allameh Dr. Mohammad Iqbal Lahori, Tehran, Rozhan. Iqbal, Javed (1993) Life and Thoughts of Allamah Iqbal Lahori, Volume 1 and 2, translated by Dr. Shahindokht Moghadam (Safiari), Astan Quds Razavi. Interview with Dr. Khalil Hadaf, a senior member of Jamiat Islami Afghanistan, 26/11/2019. Interview with Seyyed Jafar Adeli, writer and head of the political commission of the Islamic Movement of Afghanistan, 01/23/2021. Interview with Seyyed Inayatullah Shadab, university professor and senior member of Islamic Jamiat Afghanistan, 01/26/2021. Interview with Mohammad Akram Andishmand, writer and researcher and senior member of Jamiat Islami Afghanistan, 11/16/2019. Jansiz, Ahmed (2008) "The Foundations of Iqbal's Political Philosophy", in: Moj z Khud Raste (Proceedings of Allamah Iqbal Lahori International Conference), Volume 2, Zahedan, University of Sistan and Baluchistan, Center for Subcontinental Studies. Khosrowshahi, Seyyed Hadi (1991) Islamic Movements of Afghanistan, Tehran, Bureau of Political and International Studies. Khurram, Sara (2019) Allama Iqbal-Mufakir e Pakistan, 10. 13140/RG. 2. 2. 12024. 90 882. Lahori, Mohammad Iqbal (1967) Revival of Religious Thought in Islam, translated by Ahmad Aram, Tehran, Regional Cultural Institute. Lahori, Mohammad Iqbal (1982) Diwan Iqbal Lahori, Tehran, Pegah. Lahori, Mohammad Iqbal (1991) Generalities of Persian Poems by Maulana Iqbal Lahori, with an introduction by Ahmad Soroush, Tehran, Sanai Library. Madrasi, Fatemeh (2000) "Iqbal Lahori, Naghme Sarai Bidari", Journal of Faculty of Literature and Human Sciences, University of Tehran, serial number 998, pp. 252-264. Majduddin, Akbar (2004) "Major Issues of Eastern Countries in the Poems of Iqbal Lahori (Sociological Approach)", Research Journal of Humanities, No. 45-46, pp. 211-230. Makan (Baqaei), Mohammad (2015) Ferdowsi Abroad (Another Look at the Fundamental Ideas of Iqbal Lahori), Tehran, Triq. Mohseni, Mohammad Asef (1993) Political, Scientific, Religious, Ethical and Social Theories, Velayat. Mohseni, Mohammad Asef (1995) Kabul Issues: Answers to a Hundred and More Religious, Social and Political Questions, Kabul, Waqfi. Mohseni, Mohammad Asef (2008) Religion and Life, Kabul, Balkh Press. Mohseni, Mohammad Asef (2008) Approximation of Religions: From Opinion to Practice, Tehran, Adian. Mohseni, Mohammad Asef (2012) Realization of the Unity of the Islamic Ummah, Kabul, Resalat. Mohseni, Mohammad Asef (2015) A Corner of the History of the Jihad of the Afghan People from the Perspective of Ayatollah Aozma, Mohammad Asef, compiled by Mohammad Reza Qiyam, Kabul, Research Department of Umm al-Mu'minin School, Khadijah Kobari (peace be upon her). Motahari, Morteza (2003) An Overview of Islamic Movements in the Last Hundred Years, Tehran, Sadra. Paray, Mohd Rafi; Fulware, Hiralal (2021) Philosophy of Allama Iqbal with Special Reference to the Islamic Society and Culture, International Research Journal of Multidisciplinary Scope (IRJMS), volume 2, issue 1, pp. 9-13. Parsa, Seyyed Ahmad (2008) "Investigation of Obstacles to the Awakening and Progress of Islamic Societies from the Point of View of Iqbal Lahori", in: Moj z Khod Raste (Collection of Proceedings of Allamah Iqbal Lahori International Conference), Volume 1, Zahedan, University of Sistan and Baluchistan, Center Subcontinent Studies. Qazi, Uzma (2013) Iqbal’s Urdu Political Poems: The Writer Against Colonialism, Edmonton, Alberta. Rabbani, Burhan-uddin (2020) Bang Bidari, Kabul, Center for Compiling the Works of the Martyr Leader. Rabbani, Burhan-uddin (2020) The Leader's Message, Volume 6, Kabul, Center for Compiling the Works of Rehber Martyr. Rasouli, Yasin (2016) Tradition and Secularism in Afghanistan, Tehran, Irfan. Saidipour, Abbas (2014) "Iqbal Lahori's Western Studies", Pik Noor, 3rd year, 1st issue, pp. 103-93. Saket, Mohammad Hossein (2015) Mahtab Sham Sharq (Proposal and Option of Iqbal's Ideology), Tehran, Written Heritage. Salehi, Koresh (2008) "The West and the East in the Eyes of Iqbal Lahori", in: Moj z Khod Raste (Proceedings of Allamah Iqbal Lahori International Conference), Volume 2, Zahedan, University of Sistan and Baluchistan, Subcontinent Studies Center. Samsam, Hamid and Dadkhoda Khodayar (2008) "Basics of Khodi Philosophy in Mysteries and Secrets", Muj Zakhod Raste (Collection of Papers of Allameh Iqbal Lahori International Conference), Volume 2, Zahedan, University of Sistan and Baluchistan, Center for Subcontinental Studies. Shariati, Ali (1973) Iqbal, the Architect of the Renewal of Islamic Thought, Tehran, Shabdiz. Shariati, Ali (2008) Ma and Iqbal, Tehran, Elham. “Sometimes the Victory and Intensification of Racism (From Idealism to Reality)” (1992) Esteghamt Magazine (Afghanistan Islamic Movement Magazine), 14th year, number 78, pp. 9-13 and 49. Sultana, Kishwar (2002) Iqbal’s Political Philosophy and Concept of State, Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, vol. 2, pp. 43-56. Tanvir, Mohammad Halim (2013) Afghanistan from the Perspective of Allameh Iqbal, Kabul, Dr. Halim Tanvir Foundation. Vjoudi, Heydari (2013) "Forty Days in the Absence of Marshal Mohammad Qasim Fahim", A Lasting Newspaper, 30 Hamal/April 2014. Yasin (1986) Iqbal and Afghanistan, Stastham (Afghanistan Islamic Movement Journal), No. 58-59, Qom, Ingleba Street, Afghanistan Islamic Movement Head Office. Zaheer, M.N. (1992) "It Was Remembered the 116th Anniversary of the Birth of Hakim Ummat Allameh Iqbal", Peshawar Fatah (Publishing Organ of Jamiat Islami Afghanistan), number three. Zakir Esfahani, Alireza (1998) "A Journey Through the Political Thought of Allameh Muhammad Iqbal Lahori", Farhang, No. 27-28, pp. 305-326. Zulfiqari, Ghulam Hossein (1991) The Philosophical Influences of Seyyed Jamaluddin Afghani on Allameh Iqbal Lahori, translated by Aminullah Khorasani, Mithaq Khoon Magazine (Publishing Organ of the Association of Writers and Speakers of the Islamic Jamiat of Afghanistan), the second period of publications, the sixth year, issue 12, serial number 90, pp. 45-49. http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/40722Political Thought Allama Iqbal Afghanistan Jamiat-e-Islami (Islamic Society) Harakat-e-Islami(Islamic Movement). per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392025-011935347385articlePerception and Political Activism; A Study of the Perception of Campaign Activists of the Election Process (Case Study: Presidential Elections of 2021 in the City of Gorgan City)Mohammad BabaeiMbabaee48@gmail.com1Abdorreza Habibi zeydh saraeeRezaHabibi01@yahoo.com2Aliasghar Ghasemighasemi_aliasghar@khu.ac.ir3Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Kharazmi University, Iran.M.A of Political Science, Kharazmi University, Iran. Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Kharazmi University, Iran. The purpose of the article is to understand the perception of presidential campaign activists of the election process and its components. These activists, who participate in election campaigns based on various motives and reasons, have not been specifically studied so far.   Main question The main question of the study is what understanding do campaign activists have of the elections, the process, and its components?   Research method: Given the nature of the subject, the research method is grounded theory. Data were collected through in-depth interviews, then transcribed in a three-stage process, and finally analyzed according to a model derived from the data, and macro categories were obtained.   Findings: The findings showed that the core concept that can explain a proper understanding of campaign activists' perception of the elections is "Dual perception." That is, the activism of these people is not influenced by a one-sided and uniform perception of the elections. Therefore, their activism cannot be easily understood. The concept of "Dual perception" is introduced here for the first time and is the innovation of the article.   Introduction Electoral campaign headquarters and their actors, as one of the most influential entities during electoral periods in Iran, have received relatively little scholarly attention despite their direct interaction with the target audience—voters. A portion of these individuals typically engage in activism within candidates' headquarters during critical electoral moments. Alongside the core members of campaign headquarters, who are often affiliated with local political parties and groups, some participants join these headquarters without any party affiliation. Such individuals may also possess hidden, unspoken personal motivations. The central question of this study is: How do the actors within campaign headquarters perceive the electoral process and their activism in the context of Iran's presidential election campaigns? Understanding the perceptions and motivations of these actors provides deeper insights into the nature and dynamics of activism at this level. This understanding is valuable not only for candidates but also for party actors, the media, and researchers in the field, aiding in better management of campaign headquarters and their participants. The innovative aspect of this study lies in its focus on the role of these individuals in electoral campaigns, which contributes to the development of new literature in the field of election campaign studies. The selection of Gorgan city in Golestan Province, Iran, as the case study is due to the high voter turnout in this city during previous presidential elections, which ranked among the highest in the country.   Theoretical framework The theoretical framework of this article includes the theories from which the practical indicators of the article were derived.   Perception: Perception is the process by which individuals interpret and make sense of sensory data received from the environment (Goldstein, 2019: 23). This process involves the selection, organization, and interpretation of sensory inputs that provide a meaningful understanding of the surrounding world. Therefore, perception is not simply a direct reflection of received stimuli, but is shaped by a number of variables (Palmer, 1999: 43).   Activism Action is an intentional, meaningful, and judgmental action that is realized under the influence of the actor’s perception. (Mohammadi Asl, 2011: 46). Behind every action, there is a hidden meaning, and by interpreting the meanings hidden in the actions, one can understand political relations, phenomena, and events (Manouchehri et al., 2008: 59-61).   Electoral Behavior The scientific study of electoral behavior has resulted several important theories: political sociology theory, political economy theory, and political psychology theory. - Political sociology theory: It states that “people think politically as they are social” (Karimi Maleh and Zolfaghari, 2019: 34-37) and what encourages people to participate in elections is their social, environmental, economic, and cultural conditions (Rezvani, 2007: 151). - Political economy theory: In this model, logic and reason replace feelings and emotional encounters. Even political parties seek to win elections and gain power. For supporters, profit also finds a new meaning for voting (Karimi Maleh and Zolfaghari, 2019: 49-53). - Political Psychology Theory: According to this theory, electoral preferences are the result of a combination of psychological factors, such as the characteristics of the voter, accumulated experiences—particularly the experience of participating in previous elections—and the feelings derived from the outcomes of such participation. These factors, along with the voter’s evaluation of the political system and elites, as well as prior knowledge of the candidate and their personality traits, shape voting behavior (Karimi Maleh & Zolfaghari, 2019: 40–41).   Research Method: The research was conducted using the grounded theory method. Grounded theory emphasizes the inductive process of collecting and analyzing data in creating or developing hypotheses or theories related to the subject (Khanifar and Moslemy, 2016: 18-19). The network method was also used for sampling (Tracy, 2015: 289). After the twelfth interview, sampling reached theoretical saturation (no new information was obtained about concepts, categories, or their relationship, and the necessary answers to the questions were also obtained) and the interviews were stopped. Then the data were also analyzed using the three-stage coding method: 1- Open coding: 2- Axial coding: 3- Selective coding. (Khanifar and Moslemy, 2016: 217).   Findings A careful study of the participants’ responses showed that the core concept of the perception of the presidential election process among these individuals is represented in the phrase “Dual perception.” The duality in perception has imposed its effect on individuals’ perception of the election process as follows. - The duality of one’s own perception of the election versus the understanding of others’ perception of the election: This situation manifests itself in the form of a conventional perception of oneself, but an unconventional perception of others. - The duality in motives affecting the perception of the election: This duality presents in the conflict between internal motives such as personal experience, personal tendencies, family, and trusted individuals, and external factors such as generational changes, political and party tendencies, and objective conditions of society. - Duality in the motivations for activism in the election campaign: Here, moral and personal motivations such as helping and serving the people, electoral excitement, and a sense of effectiveness are placed against utilitarian motivations such as gaining profit and gaining power. - Duality in the perception of one's competence as a president: Statements such as "Yes, I am capable and competent" versus statements such as "No, I am not competent" affect the nature of people's perceptions. -Perception of the characteristics of the supported candidate and the characteristics of the rival candidate: The supported candidate generally has positive characteristics, while the negative characteristics belong to the rival candidate. -Perception of the main activism’s motivations of people in the campaign: Duality of the motivation of excitement resulting from competition and elections, defeating the opponent, and retaliation for past failures in return for serving and helping the people. The figure below shows the pattern obtained. Figure 1: Components of the dual perception of campaign activists   According to the final model, understanding the nature and actors of the 1400 Gorgan city election campaigns depends on considering the motives and factors that were obtained in this study. The most important motives and causes affecting the perception of actors are as follows: Socio-political motives: The excitement resulting from the competitive and electoral nature of the election and party tendencies (Rational action). These motives are in line with the political sociology theories of activism. Status motives: Such as gaining credibility, identity, and independence, and being seen and liked, which also goes back to psychological and personality motives. Theories that propose emotional and emotional action, as well as the theory of political psychology, explain these types of motives. Understanding actions in this perspective depends on a precise understanding of individuals' motives for action.   Material and Profit-Driven Motivations: The pursuit of individual material gain, as observed in the responses of actors, ultimately ranked third among the influential motivations of actors (rational action). These types of motivations align with perspectives that emphasize the element of rationality and calculative behavior in action, such as political economy theory.   Other motivations: such as providing services (value-based action) and motivations resulting from education and family influence (traditional action) were ranked last in the opinion of the respondents. In this section, motivations are discussed that are explained both by the political psychology theory of activism and by the theory of political sociology. Although staff activists paid less attention to this issue, the greater attention of female activists to this factor indicates its effectiveness, especially the effectiveness of the family on female staff activists. This type of activism confirms the continuation of the traditional type of activism alongside rational and emotional activism, which should not be neglected. In summary, it can be said that the activity of the headquarters in the Iranian presidential elections, with an emphasis on the elections for the thirteenth presidential term in 1400, is in harmony and alignment with the three explanatory theories, with the difference that priority is given to political sociology theories.   Keywords: Perception, Activism, Election Headquarters, Presidential Election of 2021 Iran.   References Goldstein, E. B. (2019) Sensation and perception (11th ed.). Cengage Learning. Haan, Marco (2004) Promising politicians, rational voters, and election outcomes. Journal of Spanish Economic Review, 6(3), 227–241. Karimi Maleh, Ali, & Zolfaghari, Vahid. (2019) An Introduction to the Political Sociology of Voting Behavior. Tehran: Negah Moaser. (In Persian). Khanifar, Hossein, & Moslemmi, Nahid. (2016) Principles and Foundations of Qualitative Research Methods. Tehran: Negah Danesh. (In Persian) Manouchehri, Abbas, et al. (2008) Approach and Method in Political Science. Tehran: Samt Publications. (In Persian) Palmer, S. E. (1999) Vision Science: Photons to Phenomenology. MIT University Press. Rezvani, Mohsen. (2007) Analysis of Electoral Behavior (Case Study: Ninth Presidential Elections). Marafat Journal, 123, 149–166. (in Persian) Tracy, Sarah J. (2015) Qualitative Research Methods. Translated by Hossein Khanifar & Tahereh Moniri Sharif. Tehran: Mehraban Book Publishing House. (In Persian)      http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/46914Perception Activism Election Headquarters Presidential Election of 2021 Iran.