per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392022-031630127articlemohamad ali tavanatavana.mohammad@yahoo.com1خلیل اله سردارنیاkh_sardarnia@yahoo.com2Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Shiraz University, Iran. Professor, Department of Political Science, Political Science, Shiraz University, Iran Kuhn's paradigm and Lakatos's scientific research program, as two competing methodological traditions, created new perspectives on the history of science and knowledge/truth. This article tries to bridge the methodology of these two historians of science to theoretical politics, and raises the following questions: What political order does Kuhn and Lakatos's methodology imply? Is this political order hard (rigid) or soft (flexible)? How do these political orders change? This article tries to answer these questions based on the principle of compatibility (compatibility of results with basic principles). This article shows that the Kuhnian and Lakatosian's political order are both based on competition and conflict; But once established, they create a hard to semi-rigid order, the former accepting pluralism and change (reform) only within the framework of the hegemonic paradigm, and the latter merely on marginal issues that are not dangerous to the hard core of power. Nevertheless, the revolution in Kuhnian's political order is a little easier than Lakatosian's. Kuhn's relativistic methodology accepts that there is no superior substantive order; Thus, in a critical situation, that is, the loss of efficiency and the consensus of the elites, we can move towards a new order. But Lakatosian's historiographical methodology creates a more conservative order; Because he emphasizes that the hard core of the political order must be given the opportunity to reveal all its potential in the context of history, and it can only give way to a new political order if it does not produce empirical and theoretical content. In general, these orders are anti-dissident. http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/12521Methodology Kuhn Lakatos Paradigm Political Order. per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392022-0316302956articleSayed Jalal Dehghani Firozabadijdehghani20@yahoo.com1Hormoz Jafarijafarihormoz@yahoo.com2Professor, Department of International Relations, Allameh Tabatabai University, Iran. Ph.D student in International Relations, Allameh Tabatabai University, Iran. States as the main player in international relations, States as rational players, International System as the determinant of states behaviors, international system as an anarchic system, and considering independent nature for international institutions are the international institutionalism’ hypotheses that have been under critics by other IR Theory’s scholars. Given the explaining ability of the theory, how various schools of IR have appraised the ontological premises of Neo-Liberal Institutionalism? It seems that the mainstream theories of IR have criticized the functional part of the ontological premises of Neo-Liberal Institutionalism, while social theories have a criticism regarding its both functional and ontological angles. http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/12187IR Theories Institutionalism Structuralism Anarchy International Institutionsper1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392022-0316305774articleAkbar Savariimansh889@yahoo.com1Samaneh Rahmatifars.rahmatifar@gmail.com2Shahram zarneshanszarneshan@yahoo.com3principle of tehran international schoolAssociate Professor, Faculty of Law and Political Science, AllamehTabatabai University, Tehran, Iran. The purpose of this study is to explain the components of good governance as indicators of democracy in order to end the divergence of views in understanding democracy from the perspective of the Practical procedure of international law. Good governance is one of the prescriptions of international institutions for national systems and democracy is one of the long-standing social aspirations of nations. The research method is descriptive-analytical with a genealogical approach; In this way, after describing democracy and good governance, in terms of their history in international law, the components of good governance as the principles of democracy are measured through the comparative method. The result shows that the components of good governance have the potential to become indicators of the principles of democracy and, by objectifying democracy, make it possible to measure the degree of democratic legitimacy of states in terms of international law; Thus, in international law, a legitimate state is a democratic state, and democracy means the domination of good governance over all relations between citizens and the state. http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/12743International human rights participation transparency public oversight and the rule of law. per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392022-0316307597articleMahereh Kuohnavardmahi.kohnavard@yahoo.com1Ahmad bostaniAhmad.bostani@gmail.com2Ph D Student in Political Science, Allameh Tabatabai University, Iran. Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Kharazmi University, Iran. The Islamic Revolution of Iran was a movement based on religious ideology, and one of its most important goals was to confront the process of secularization in society and establish a religious government. However, after the revolution, the process of disenchantment intensified both in the theoretical dimension and in the practical aspects of society and politics. Although the term disenchantment is used in Max Weber's works to describe the modernization and rationalization of Western societies, in this article, we will show that in post-revolutionary Iran, this process has not necessarily always been associated with more rational and scientific processes. Therefore, the present article aims to discuss the process through which the political and social application of religion would lead to the disenchantment of politics and society. To explain this process, we will emphasize that the Ideologization of religion requires the transformation of Sharia and religious teachings into a secular structure and adherence to the logic of temporal relations. Therefore, in certain circumstances, the ideological conception of religion can accelerate the process of disenchantment. http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/12503Ideologization of religion Secularization Disenchantment Political Islam the Islamic Revolution of Iran. per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392022-03163099125articleJavad Mahloojij.mahlooji@ase.ui.ac.ir1Hossein MasoudniaH.masoudnia@ase.ui.ac.ir2masoud shahramniam.shahramnia@ase.ui.ac.ir3Ph.D in Political Science, University of Isfahan, IranAssociate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Isfahan, Iran. Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Isfahan, Iran. Understanding and analyzing the relationship between government and parliament in the Islamic Republic of Iran has been the focus of politicians, journalists, and researchers in recent years. Since facts do not speak for themselves and need to be interpreted and organized, the article seeks to provide a theoretical basis for this purpose. The starting point of the discussion is the theory of historical institutionalism and the refinement of its position among various theories in the field of political science. The question, then, is what opportunities or insights does historical institutionalism provide for researchers in this field, and what tools for analyzing them? After extracting the methodic possibilities in the theory of historical institutionalism for analyzing the relationship between government and parliament, in the second part, the article tries to provide a guide map for collecting and analyzing data on the relationship between government and parliament in the years after reviewing the constitution. http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/12636Institutionalism New Institutionalism Historical Institutionalism Government and Parliament. per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392022-031630127154articleFaramarz Mirzazadeh AhmadBiglouf.mirzazade@gmail.com1Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Ilam Branch, Islamic Azad University, Ilam, Iran. Postmodernism, by deconstructing all the foundations and meta-narratives, has created a situation in which pluralism is the basis for policy-making. While some scholars have spoken of the refusal to form politics in the postmodern space, and have considered the lack of a basis for establishing political theory inappropriate, others have sought to establish a policy appropriate to this space, both theoretically and practically. Among them is "William Connolly", who, by inventing concepts such as multidimensional pluralism, onto-politics, politics of becoming, critical responsiveness, and agonistic respect, explained postmodern politics, and proportionate with multiplicity, pluralism, dispersion, and diversity of identities has proposed a practical solution. Agonistic democracy, which of course includes other founders and proponents such as Chantal Mouffe, David Owen, and James Tully, is a viable alternative to deliberative democracy and attends it as an inclusive, contingent, and accountable political life, by respectful contestation of wonderful, different and even contradictory new identities. Uncertainty, unpredictability, juxtaposition of divine and atheistic beliefs in the context of the multiplicity of gender, linguistic, racial and cultural identities are some of the components that Connolly has considered and explained in postmodern politics. http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/12699Politics Postmodernism Connolly Agonistic Democracy Multidimensional Pluralism Politics of Becoming. per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392022-031630155183articleAli Ranjbarkia.ranjbaraki@gmail.com1Assistant Professor, Department of Economics, Institute of Humanities and Social Studies, IHSS, IranThis article explains the developmentalist status of political rule in the period of the Islamic Republic of Iran using the institutional theory of open and limited access "Douglas North". According to North, the elites and political rulers (ruling coalition) in a society have two ways of forming social order and controlling violence. On the one hand, the open access system, which has impersonal rules and regulations, the rule of law and productive rent-seeking, which guarantees public access to society's resources and assets. And, on the other hand, the limited access system, which seeks to establish personal and private relationships and rules, sheikh and disciple (Murid &Morad) networks, unproductive rent-seeking and restricting the access of others to the resources and assets of society. Empirical evidence shows that open access systems guarantee and accelerate the achievement of economic development. Restricted access systems are not inherently developmental because economic development conflicts with the personal and group interests of the ruling coalition. Hence, political rule does not make a serious effort to address the problems and shortcomings in the path of economic development. In Iran, with the formation of the Islamic Revolution, the ground was opened for further opening of the social access system. But over time, with the occurrence of various internal and external events, political rule tended to limit the country's social system. This led to a special group of Islamists (traditional and fundamentalist right) becoming the dominant coalition of the country and using various strategies and policies to try to gain access to the sources of power and assets of the country in a centralized and exclusive way. Under these institutional conditions, the behavior of the country's political rulers is shaped in such a way that their main goal is to maintain the current political system in order to guarantee monopoly and centralized power and maximum access to the country's resources and assets. Therefore, increasing and allocating unproductive rents from oil revenues and government monopolies to groups affiliated with the ruling coalition, establishing personal and private relations and organizations, and restricting the participation and access of other groups to the economic and political resources of the country are the dominant coalition strategies. These strategies hinder the continuation and acceleration of economic development in the country. Thus, the behavior and plans of political rulers are not developmental. http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/12567Developmentalist Government Institutional Analysis Theory Open and Restricted Access Violence Control Islamic Republic of Iran. per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392022-031630185216articlealiakbar asadi kavijiAliakbarasadi88@yahoo.com1Abbasali Rahbaraa.rahbar@ac.ir2Ph.D Student in Political Science, Allameh Tabatabai University, Iran. Associate Professor of Political Science, Allameh Tabatabai University, Iran. Nasr Hamed Abu Zayd is one of the religious intellectuals who has offered sometimes differentand challenging views on the issues of Quranic and political sciences from the views of her predecessors. This article, In the form of Skinner's historical and critical interpretation, tries to understand and discover the intentional linguistic action of Nasr Hamed Abu Zayd in the plan of separating the relation and interaction of religion and politics by examining the ideological and practical contexts and linguistic tricks used. The findings show that Abu Zayd, criticizing political Islam and traditional religious discourse to get Egypt out of social problems and modernization, sees the solution in establishing a democratic society, which is itself a consequence of religious modernization. Hence, he considered the separation of religion from politics in order to counter the foundations of the idea of establishing and strengthening an authoritarian government (in Egypt). http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/16111Politics Religion Secularism Hermeneutics Religious Intellectualismper1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392022-031630217246articlemostafa ensafimostafaensafi1@chmail.ir1Shoja Ahmadvandshojaahmadvand@gmail.com2Ph.D in Political Thought, Allameh Tabatabai University, Iran. Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Allameh Tabatabai University, Iran. In the twentieth century, with the publication of the works of Max Weber, Schmitt, Löwith, Voegelin, and Blumenberg, there was a great deal of interest in exploring the theological roots of modernity and modern political thought, and many of the leading texts of the early modern period were reinterpreted. This article seeks to highlight the importance of this concept in the history of political thought by addressing the theological foundations of the figure of "Katechon", first mentioned in Paul's Second Epistle to the Thessalonians. The main premise of the article is that modern political thought has always been rooted in Christian theology and has sought to legitimize itself by secularizing theological ideas. In the meantime, under the influence of Karl Schmitt and his particular and authoritarian reading of the concept of Katechon, political theology is often seen as blocking the project of liberation, but thinkers such as Agamben interpret the concept of Katechon under the concept of salvation. It paves the way for the democratic formulation of political theology. http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/15887katechon Political theology Hobbes Schmitt Agamben. per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392022-031630247278articleNaeem Sherafatnm.sh2000@gmail.com1Valiollah Barzegar Klishomiv.barzegar@isr.ikiu.ac.ir2Mohammad Reza Jalalijalali@ikiu.ac.ir3Seyed Abdul Amir Nabavis.a.nabavi@ut.ac.ir4Ph.D Student Department of History and Civilization of Islamic Nations, Imam Khomeini International University, Iran. Assistant Professor, Department of History and Civilization of Islamic Nations, Imam Khomeini International University, Iran. Assistant Professor, Department of Psychology, Imam Khomeini International University, Iran. Associate Professor, Department of Regional Studies, University of Tehran, IranThis article, by accepting the hypothesis of confusion of the soul and mind of the Arab intellect in the nationalist revolutions of the Arab countries, seeks to analyze the behaviors and actions of the Arab nationalist man in the face of others in the revolutionary discourse of Nasserism. Arab nationalism in the four autobiographical films of Egyptian director Youssef Shahin Based on the method of discourse analysis and in the theoretical framework of Jacques Lacan's subject psychology. The young revolutionary intellectual of Egypt in the 1950s and 1960s is attracted to the signifiers of the discourse of Nassirist nationalism due to ideological and identical cleavages resulting from centuries of domination by transnational and proxy systems; A discourse that was initially thought of as an infinite matter (reality) and the manifestation of the utopia and the place of realization of the repressed desires of the Arab man (subject), but over time, the contradictions between the slogan and practice in the mentioned discourse became known to all and as a Discourse and the imposed (symbolic dimension) were forcibly accepted by the emerging dictatorship of Arab nationalism. The young revolutionary intellectual who was once fascinated by this discourse, after seeing the defeat and humiliation of Arab nationalism in the war with Israel and the financial and moral scandal of its commanders, suffers a lot of pain and longing (jouissance). But, because of their fascination with this discourse, hides them and after a while, like his father (Nasserist discourse), he experiences a similar tyranny. The main question of this article is why the behavior of the Egyptian revolutionary intellectuals changed from freedom-seeking to tyranny? http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/16242Nassirist Nationalism Nationalism Discourse Arab Nationalist Man Lacan Psychology Psychology of Nationalism.per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392022-031630279306articleShervin Moghimi ZanjaniMoghimima@gmail.com1Assistant Professor, Department of Political, International and Legal Studies, Institute of Humanities and Cultural Studies, Iran. The question of “what is the good?” was the main characteristic of the Socratic political philosophy. However, the modern political philosophy had to pass this question and like its enemy (namely revealed theology) present a definite and tangible definition of “the good”. In other words, they had to show that philosophy, in addition to being the authoritative source of knowledge, can and must be the basis for promoting human life and a guide for attaining the good in practice. The role of Machiavelli, Hobbes, and Spinoza from this point of view is so prominent. It seems that the good they defended, was the true origin of the values of a liberal democratic regime. These philosophers recognized that the necessity of the dogmatic definition of the good necessitates a theological-rhetorical expression to persuade the addresses. Therefore, without comprehending this theological-rhetorical backbone, the values of a liberal democratic regime cannot be understood completely. The modern political philosophy, on other hand, is the forbear of modern political science that its main subject is behavior and action of the citizens in a liberal democratic regime. Therefore, we can say that modern political science cannot be comprehended completely without contemplating on the ambivalent effort of these philosophers: on the one hand, their theological defense of the liberal democratic values, and on the other hand, their defense of a new scientific politics distinguished radically from ancient political knowledge. http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/12724Political theology liberal democracy Modern politics Machiavelli Hobbes Spinoza. per1پژوهش سیاست نظری2008-57962821-02392022-031630307334articleAzadeh Shabani azadeh.shabani88@yahoo.com1Abbas ManouchehriAmanoocheri@yahoo.com2Ph.D in Political Science, Tarbiat Modares University, Iran. Professor of Political Science, Tarbiat Modares University, Iran. One of the fundamental problems of modern societies is the problem of "alienation"; For this reason, the analysis and explanation of this problem appears in the studies of many thinkers. Hannah Arendt is one of the political thinkers who, on the one hand, has considered the alienation of modern human in her studies, and on the other hand, has re-read and explained the concept of citizenship in its classical sense which is related to action. In this essay, after explaining the two concepts of "alienation from the world" and "citizenship" by Hannah Arendt, an attempt is made to answer the question of whether Arendt's theory of citizenship can be considered as an alternative to the situation of alienation from the world of modern human. It also claims that, in contrast to the alienation of modern human, Arendt's desirable human condition can be realized in terms of citizenship. http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/12575Alienation Citizenship Hannah Arendt Alienation from the world Action.