﻿<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?><records><record><language>per</language><publisher>1</publisher><journalTitle>پژوهش سیاست نظری</journalTitle><issn>2008-5796</issn><eissn>2821-0239</eissn><publicationDate>2024-02</publicationDate><volume>1</volume><issue>39</issue><startPage></startPage><endPage></endPage><documentType>article</documentType><title language="eng">The pioneers of nationalism during the Qajar era and their impact on the first Pahlavi period. (Referring to the theory of psycho-nationalism)</title><authors><author><name>Mojtaba Shayeste Azimian</name><email>m.shayeste@iran.ir</email><affiliationId>1</affiliationId></author><author><name> Zohre poustinchi</name><email>z_poustinchi@azad.ac.ir</email><affiliationId>2</affiliationId></author><author><name> Garineh Keshishyan Siraki</name><email>g_keshishyan@azad.ac.ir</email><affiliationId>3</affiliationId></author></authors><affiliationsList><affiliationName affiliationId="1" /><affiliationName affiliationId="2">Department of Political Science and International Relations, South Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University</affiliationName><affiliationName affiliationId="3">Department of Political Science and International Relations, South Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University</affiliationName></affiliationsList><abstract language="eng">&lt;p&gt;The research problem is about the relationship between psychological nationalism, national identity, and the history of Iran during the Qajar period. The aim of the research is to understand how the pioneers awareness during the Qajar period influenced the Pahlavi period and the role of Iranian intellectuals in the cultural and political identification process of nationalism. The main question is: what role did Iranian intellectuals play in shaping nationalism at the end of the Qajar period? The research hypothesis suggests that before constitutionalism, those with national consciousness in Iran were influenced by European nationalism and turned their cultural awareness into political awareness during the constitutional movement. However, in the Qajar period, after the failure of constitutionalism and the chaotic situation that followed, this awareness did not lead to the development of national identity, which only happened during the Pahlavi period. Therefore, it is important to study and recognize the elites of the Qajar period as the foundation of Iranian nationalism. This aspect is often overlooked in studies of the first Pahlavi period. Iranian nationalism was influenced by European nationalism and educated Iranians in the mid-19th century. They realized that the only way to modernize the traditional Qajar society was to follow the path of Western countries. This research focuses on this development until the beginning of the first Pahlavi period.&lt;/p&gt;</abstract><fullTextUrl>http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/47446</fullTextUrl><keywords><keyword>psychonationalism</keyword><keyword> National identity </keyword><keyword> Modern government</keyword><keyword> Qajar</keyword><keyword> first Pahlavi.</keyword></keywords></record><record><language>per</language><publisher>1</publisher><journalTitle>پژوهش سیاست نظری</journalTitle><issn>2008-5796</issn><eissn>2821-0239</eissn><publicationDate>2024-02</publicationDate><volume>1</volume><issue>39</issue><startPage></startPage><endPage></endPage><documentType>article</documentType><title language="eng">Psychoanalytic Analysis of the Emergence of the Self-interested Subject in the Tenth Government</title><authors><author><name>فریبرز  محرم‌خانی</name><email>Fmkhanii@yahoo.com</email><affiliationId>1</affiliationId></author></authors><affiliationsList><affiliationName affiliationId="1" /></affiliationsList><abstract language="eng">&lt;p style="text-align: left;"&gt;&amp;nbsp;The common sentiment among the public is that they have moved away from the simple and kind-hearted lifestyle of the 1980s and 1990s and entered a competitive and ruthless world. According to the analysis presented in this article, the period of the tenth administration marked a turning point in this transformation.&amp;nbsp; The question is, how did the self-interested subject emerge as a result of the policies of the tenth administration? This article within the framework of Lacan's political psychoanalytic theories and using a descriptive-analytical method, will answer . In this approach, which combines psychology with linguistic and political science, the belief in a fixed essence in humans and the conventional boundaries between individual and collective are set aside, and the identity of the human subject is considered something arising from collective life and inherently unstable. In other words, identity is defined as "becoming" rather than "being." Therefore, the state, as the Other, plays a central role in shaping the identity of its subjects through the control of the chain of signifiers. The conclusion&amp;nbsp; is that the tenth administration, by intensifying the antagonistic relationship of power and weakening the civil society, paved the way for the emergence of the self-interested subject in Iran. The self-interested subject is an individual whose rational calculation of profit and loss outweighs their emotions and affections. The paper suggests, in order to govern-mentalize&amp;nbsp; this one-dimensional subject, conditions for the creation of civil society should be provided.&lt;/p&gt;</abstract><fullTextUrl>http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/49287</fullTextUrl><keywords><keyword>self-interested subject </keyword><keyword>recognition</keyword><keyword> Civil society</keyword><keyword> Political Psychoanalysis</keyword><keyword> Lacan</keyword></keywords></record><record><language>per</language><publisher>1</publisher><journalTitle>پژوهش سیاست نظری</journalTitle><issn>2008-5796</issn><eissn>2821-0239</eissn><publicationDate>2024-02</publicationDate><volume>1</volume><issue>39</issue><startPage></startPage><endPage></endPage><documentType>article</documentType><title language="eng">Narrative" in Hannah Arendt's Civic Thought</title><authors><author><name>Mohadeseh Teymori</name><email>mohadesehteymori13@gmail.com</email><affiliationId>1</affiliationId></author><author><name>عباس  منوچهری</name><email>Manoocha@modares.ac.ir</email><affiliationId>2</affiliationId></author></authors><affiliationsList><affiliationName affiliationId="1" /><affiliationName affiliationId="2" /></affiliationsList><abstract language="eng">&lt;p style="text-align: left;"&gt;One of the earliest philosophical reflexions on &amp;ldquo;narration&amp;rdquo; was that of Aristotel&amp;rsquo;s &lt;em&gt;Poesis&lt;/em&gt;. Over the past seventy years, However, &amp;nbsp;philosophers of history have made serious efforts to explore the relationship between "history" and "narration." The roots of this attention goes back to developments in linguistics and narrative theory. From the perspective of narrativists, the world consistently presents itself to us as a text. &amp;nbsp;This article, however, aims to demonstrate that, in Arendt&amp;rsquo;s thought, "narration" is a normative approach that, as an existential capacity, fosters a deeper and more nuanced understanding of the world and human relationships. Given that Arendt&amp;rsquo;s mode of thinking ultimately is &amp;ldquo;phenomenological&amp;rdquo;, this paper adopts a phenomenological perspective to shed light on her understanding of &amp;ldquo;narration&amp;rdquo; and its relation to &amp;ldquo;the good life&amp;rdquo;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: left;"&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;</abstract><fullTextUrl>http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/49391</fullTextUrl><keywords><keyword>Narrative</keyword><keyword> Hannah Arendt</keyword><keyword> Civic Thought</keyword><keyword> Action</keyword><keyword> The Good Life.</keyword></keywords></record><record><language>per</language><publisher>1</publisher><journalTitle>پژوهش سیاست نظری</journalTitle><issn>2008-5796</issn><eissn>2821-0239</eissn><publicationDate>2024-02</publicationDate><volume>1</volume><issue>39</issue><startPage></startPage><endPage></endPage><documentType>article</documentType><title language="eng">The potential and requirements of an institutionalist approach in the foreign policy of the Republic of Iran</title><authors><author><name>Abbas Ziaeddini</name><email>a.ziaeddin@yahoo.com</email><affiliationId>1</affiliationId></author><author><name>mohammad kamalizadeh</name><email>mohammadkamalizadeh@gmail.com</email><affiliationId>2</affiliationId></author><author><name>Seyed Khodayar Mortazavi</name><email>skmortazavia@gmial.com</email><affiliationId>3</affiliationId></author><author><name>Seyed Ataollah  Sinaee</name><email>sinaee@pnu.ac.ir</email><affiliationId>4</affiliationId></author></authors><affiliationsList><affiliationName affiliationId="1" /><affiliationName affiliationId="2">پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی</affiliationName><affiliationName affiliationId="3">دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد جنوب</affiliationName><affiliationName affiliationId="4">Board of Directors of Payame Noor University</affiliationName></affiliationsList><abstract language="eng">&lt;p&gt;The present study seeks to understand the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran with a view to the institutionalist approach. Institutionalism is a key approach to foreign policy analysis that emphasizes the role of domestic and international institutions in shaping state behavior. It is based on the assumption that institutional structures and rules, based on principles, norms, attitudes, and values, constrain policymakers' options and guide them toward specific decisions. Institutionalism is a key approach to foreign policy analysis that emphasizes the role of domestic and international institutions in shaping state behavior. It is based on the assumption that institutional structures and rules, based on principles, norms, attitudes, and values, constrain policymakers' options and guide them toward specific decisions. Using an institutionalist approach and a descriptive-analytical method, this article seeks to answer the question of how the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be made more efficient and effective by utilizing the capacities of institutionalism, and what indicators distinguish Iran's foreign policy from an institutionalist perspective. The results show that strengthening institutional interactions, increasing coordination between domestic institutions, and utilizing cultural, economic, and strategic capacities are among the key requirements of institutionalism in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran&lt;/p&gt;</abstract><fullTextUrl>http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/49862</fullTextUrl><keywords><keyword>Institution</keyword><keyword> institutionalism</keyword><keyword> institutionalist capacities</keyword><keyword> foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran</keyword></keywords></record><record><language>per</language><publisher>1</publisher><journalTitle>پژوهش سیاست نظری</journalTitle><issn>2008-5796</issn><eissn>2821-0239</eissn><publicationDate>2024-02</publicationDate><volume>1</volume><issue>39</issue><startPage></startPage><endPage></endPage><documentType>article</documentType><title language="eng">Methodology of State Theory Theorization in 16th–18th Century Europe</title><authors><author><name>Alireza Aghababagoli</name><email>alirezaghababagoli@gmail.com</email><affiliationId>1</affiliationId></author><author><name>Mohammad Ali Hosseinizadeh</name><email>m_hosseinizadeh@sbu.ac.ir</email><affiliationId>2</affiliationId></author></authors><affiliationsList><affiliationName affiliationId="1" /><affiliationName affiliationId="2">Shahid Beheshty University</affiliationName></affiliationsList><abstract language="eng">&lt;p style="text-align: left;"&gt;The emergence and evolution of the nation-state in Europe coincided with political theorists moving beyond ancient forms of government and the dissemination of treatises containing theories of the state. Given the foundational nature of this new form of power organization, these theories, through a non-positivist methodology and the use of the political philosophy tradition, sought to comprehensively explain and prescribe how the various dimensions of the state institution could be ideally established. The prevalence of "state theory" among socio-political forces helped provide the nation-state with religious legitimacy and political acceptance. These writings promoted a specific form of power structure through a prescriptive theory and propagated it during the expansion of the nation-state in the post-Westphalian system. This situation makes it possible to hypothesize the attainment of a methodology for theorizing state theory in 16th to 18th century Europe by studying its examples in "The Six Books of the Republic," "Leviathan," and "The Spirit of the Law" as representatives of foundational state theories. These works explain and justify the coordination of the state's "peripheral institutions," such as the government, administrative apparatus, and military, with one another, based on presenting a specific definition of the theorist's "core idea," such as sovereignty, security, or the constitution. By understanding the fundamental methodology of these theories, it is hoped that the successful experience of Jean Bodin, Hobbes, and Montesquieu can serve as a practical guide for writing state theory to strengthen other new, non-European states.&lt;/p&gt;</abstract><fullTextUrl>http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/49921</fullTextUrl><keywords><keyword>Methodology</keyword><keyword> Theorization</keyword><keyword> State Theory</keyword><keyword> Nation-State</keyword><keyword> Foundational State</keyword></keywords></record><record><language>per</language><publisher>1</publisher><journalTitle>پژوهش سیاست نظری</journalTitle><issn>2008-5796</issn><eissn>2821-0239</eissn><publicationDate>2024-02</publicationDate><volume>1</volume><issue>39</issue><startPage></startPage><endPage></endPage><documentType>article</documentType><title language="eng">The State and the Good Life: An Analytical Comparison of Patterns</title><authors><author><name>giti poorzaki</name><email>gitipoorzaki@yahoo.com</email><affiliationId>1</affiliationId></author></authors><affiliationsList><affiliationName affiliationId="1" /></affiliationsList><abstract language="eng">&lt;p style="text-align: left;"&gt;A good life &amp;mdash;if not the ultimate human goal&amp;mdash;have certainly been among the most important aims throughout history. While it was once conceivable that this goal could be pursued individually and in isolation, such an assumption is far less plausible today, when states influence nearly every aspect of human life&amp;mdash;from health, employment, and security to family, and even genetics. The nature and extent of the state's role in securing and promoting citizens' well-being has thus become one of the most critical and contested issues in contemporary political philosophy. This article addresses the central question: &lt;em&gt;What role should the state play in the well-being of its citizens?&lt;/em&gt; and &lt;em&gt;What model of state intervention is most defensible?&lt;/em&gt; The answer depends largely on the model of governance adopted. At least four types of states can be distinguished based on their approach to the relationship between the state and well-being: the neutral state, the liberal perfectionist state, the ideological perfectionist state, and the welfare-oriented caring state. Using an analytical-argumentative method, the article first outlines the arguments supporting each model and then subjects them to counterarguments and rival perspectives in order to expose their limitations and flaws. So, these arguments are evaluated in terms of their coherence, consistency, and practical implications. The main finding of the study is that the welfare-oriented caring state better satisfies the criteria of consistency, coherence, and practical viability, and appears more defensible from a philosophical standpoint. The method employed is analytical-argumentative&lt;/p&gt;</abstract><fullTextUrl>http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/51378</fullTextUrl><keywords><keyword>State</keyword><keyword> Wellbeing</keyword><keyword> Well-being-Oriented State</keyword><keyword> Neutral State</keyword><keyword> Liberal Perfectionist State </keyword></keywords></record><record><language>per</language><publisher>1</publisher><journalTitle>پژوهش سیاست نظری</journalTitle><issn>2008-5796</issn><eissn>2821-0239</eissn><publicationDate>2024-02</publicationDate><volume>1</volume><issue>39</issue><startPage></startPage><endPage></endPage><documentType>article</documentType><title language="eng">Political-Institutional Requirements of Effective Policymaking in Cyberspace: Modeling Based on Artificial Intelligence.</title><authors><author><name>SeyedRazi Aghaseyedi</name><email>agaseiedi@gmail.com</email><affiliationId>1</affiliationId></author><author><name>Ahmad Vedadi</name><email>ahvedadi@gmail.com</email><affiliationId>2</affiliationId></author><author><name>  Mohammad Reza Rabii Mandiji</name><email>moh.Rabiee_mondin@iauctb.ac.ir</email><affiliationId>3</affiliationId></author><author><name>ali Rezaeian</name><email>a-rezaeian@sbu.ac.ir</email><affiliationId>4</affiliationId></author></authors><affiliationsList><affiliationName affiliationId="1" /><affiliationName affiliationId="2">Department of Public management ,Ct.C, Islamic Azad University,Tehran,Iran</affiliationName><affiliationName affiliationId="3">Department of Public management ,Ct.C, Islamic Azad University,Tehran,Iran</affiliationName><affiliationName affiliationId="4">Department of Public management ,Ct.C, Islamic Azad University,Tehran,Iran</affiliationName></affiliationsList><abstract language="eng">&lt;p class="ds-markdown-paragraph"&gt;This research aims to propose the political-institutional requirements for efficient cyberspace governance through AI-based modeling. Given the inherent complexity of this domain and the lack of a systematic model for assessing policy effectiveness, the political-institutional requirements are presented within a four-layer framework (infrastructure, logical, content, and social) by integrating quantitative-qualitative methods and artificial intelligence. The research methodology combines thematic analysis and focus groups with the participation of 11 experts.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p class="ds-markdown-paragraph"&gt;The findings indicate that each layer requires specific evaluation indicators: the infrastructure layer with technical-economic criteria such as geographical coverage, the logical layer with the adoption of global standards and cyber-attack detection, the content layer with the analysis of intellectual property rights and cybercrimes, and the social layer with the measurement of user trust and cultural impacts. The integration of these assessments using AI enables real-time monitoring and prediction of policy effects.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p class="ds-markdown-paragraph"&gt;Key challenges include legal conflicts, technical limitations, and potential algorithmic biases. This data-driven model enhances effective cyberspace governance and strengthens Iran's participation in global standardization.&lt;/p&gt;</abstract><fullTextUrl>http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/51603</fullTextUrl><keywords><keyword>Policy evaluation</keyword><keyword> cyberspace</keyword><keyword> artificial intelligence</keyword><keyword> four-layer model cyberspace</keyword><keyword> database governance</keyword></keywords></record><record><language>per</language><publisher>1</publisher><journalTitle>پژوهش سیاست نظری</journalTitle><issn>2008-5796</issn><eissn>2821-0239</eissn><publicationDate>2024-02</publicationDate><volume>1</volume><issue>39</issue><startPage></startPage><endPage></endPage><documentType>article</documentType><title language="eng">Language of Politics and the Encounter with Modernity: An Analysis of Linguistic Games of Power in Contemporary Iran</title><authors><author><name>Mohammadreza SalehiVasigh</name><email>MO.REZASALEHI@UT.AC.IR</email><affiliationId>1</affiliationId></author><author><name>seyed mahdi sadatinejad</name><email>msadatinejad@ut.ac.ir</email><affiliationId>2</affiliationId></author></authors><affiliationsList><affiliationName affiliationId="1">PhD Candidate in Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran</affiliationName><affiliationName affiliationId="2">university of teheran</affiliationName></affiliationsList><abstract language="eng">&lt;p&gt;This study, addressing the problematic of Iran's encounter with modernity, sought to explicate this encounter not merely as a conflict over content or ideology, but as a disruption of the "grammar of politics" and a reconfiguration of the rules governing political language games. The central question is: why have modern concepts such as democracy or civil society been so difficult to institutionalize in Iran, while constructed concepts such as Āl-e Ahmad's "Westoxification" (&lt;em&gt;gharbzadegi&lt;/em&gt;) or Shariati's "revolutionary martyrdom" succeeded in reconstructing political reality? The theoretical framework rests on three principles: the fundamental historicity of concepts, the grammatical incommensurability between different language games, and the political function of re-grammaticalization, which treats the transformation of rules as a political act. Iranian intellectuals are thus analyzed as engineers of political grammar, whose every re-grammaticalization has been predicated on structural contradictions. The findings reveal that each thinker, through intervention at the level of semantic rules, opened new possibilities for politics: Āl-e Ahmad, by constructing the metaphor of the West as pathological, transformed cultural resistance into hegemonic discourse; Shariati, through re-engineering religious concepts, produced the language of revolution; Shayegan, by articulating "fractured identity," depicted the possibility of inhabiting multiple language games; Soroush, by historicizing revelation, democratized religious authority; Shabestari, through critique of the language of obligation (&lt;em&gt;taklīf&lt;/em&gt;), exposed the mechanism of despotism; and Malekian, by insisting on conceptual precision, foregrounded the condition of possibility for rational dialogue. The conclusion is that contemporary Iranian intellectual history must be understood as the history of the evolution of the rules of political language games&amp;mdash;a site where each re-grammaticalization, despite its innovativeness, remains captive to the untranslatability between different forms of life and the dialectic between existing and emergent grammars.&lt;/p&gt;</abstract><fullTextUrl>http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/51652</fullTextUrl><keywords><keyword>linguistic games of power</keyword><keyword> grammar of politics</keyword><keyword> conceptual engineering</keyword><keyword> encounter with modernity</keyword><keyword> Iranian intellectuality.</keyword></keywords></record><record><language>per</language><publisher>1</publisher><journalTitle>پژوهش سیاست نظری</journalTitle><issn>2008-5796</issn><eissn>2821-0239</eissn><publicationDate>2024-02</publicationDate><volume>1</volume><issue>39</issue><startPage></startPage><endPage></endPage><documentType>article</documentType><title language="eng"> Political Implications of the Theory of Truth in Richard Rorty's Thought</title><authors><author><name>Samira Gholami</name><email>s.gholami7270@iau.ac.ir</email><affiliationId>1</affiliationId></author><author><name>Mohammad Mahdi Mojahedi</name><email>m.mojahedi@ihcs.ac.ir</email><affiliationId>2</affiliationId></author><author><name>Majid Tavasoli Roknabadi</name><email>m-tavasoli@arbiau.ac.ir</email><affiliationId>3</affiliationId></author><author><name>Iraj Ranjbar</name><email>Iraj_ranjbar79@yahoo.com</email><affiliationId>4</affiliationId></author></authors><affiliationsList><affiliationName affiliationId="1">Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law, Theology and Political Science, SRB.I.A.U., Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran</affiliationName><affiliationName affiliationId="2">Assistant Professor, Interdisciplinary Studies Research Group, Encyclopedia Research Institute, Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies, Tehran, Iran</affiliationName><affiliationName affiliationId="3">Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law, Theology and Political Science, SRB.I.A.U., Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran</affiliationName><affiliationName affiliationId="4">Department of Political Science, Ker. C., Islamic Azad University, Kermanshah, Iran</affiliationName></affiliationsList><abstract language="eng">&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;The theory of truth in Western philosophy, from Plato to the modern era, has consistently entailed diverse political implications in shaping political thought. Richard Rorty interprets this theory, despite its various historical forms, within the metaphysical framework of the "correspondence" approach. In traditional philosophy, a foundational, transhistorical reality independent of mind and language is presupposed, and truth is defined by its correspondence with this reality. Rorty challenges the correspondence theory of truth by rejecting any reality independent of mind and language, proposing instead a constructivist, pragmatic theory based on practical utility. Employing a meta-theoretical approach and a descriptive-analytical method, this article examines the political implications of Rorty&amp;rsquo;s theory of truth, arguing that it rejects philosophically grounded liberal democracy in favor of a bourgeois liberal democracy that requires no metaphysical justification.&lt;/p&gt;</abstract><fullTextUrl>http://political.ihss.ac.ir/Article/51669</fullTextUrl><keywords><keyword>Theory of Truth</keyword><keyword> Pragmatism</keyword><keyword> Bourgeois Democracy</keyword><keyword> Linguistic Turn</keyword></keywords></record></records>