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    دوفصلنامه علمی - پژوهشی "پژوهش سیاست نظری" پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات اجتماعی جهاددانشگاهی


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    • Open Access Article

      1 - According to mainstream IR theories and, in particular, realism, violence is and will remain to be an essential and inseparable part of international relations. All variations of realism view human nature and/or intentional system as inherently violent. Hannah Arendt’s theory of political power as a non-violent and collective human action challenges this fundamental assumption and offers a new perspective on what constitutes the essence of politics. Arendt’s idea of “human condition” rejects all forms of essentialism with regard to human beings and opens up a theoretical space for a new understanding of international relations where human beings become the primary political agents (despite the fact that she sees the existing international relations more from a realist point of view). Contrary to mainstream IR theories in general, and to realism in particular, for Arendt the individuals, rather than the states, are ultimately the main players in international relations. In this paper, we bind different aspects of Arendt’s political thought together to offer a new theoretical perspective for a possible change in world politics.
      Homeira  Moshirzadeh Arya Moknat
      Issue 29 , Volume 13 , Spring_Summer 2021
      According to mainstream IR theories and, in particular, realism, violence is and will remain to be an essential and inseparable part of international relations. All variations of realism view human nature and/or intentional system as inherently violent. Hannah Arendt’s Full Text
      According to mainstream IR theories and, in particular, realism, violence is and will remain to be an essential and inseparable part of international relations. All variations of realism view human nature and/or intentional system as inherently violent. Hannah Arendt’s theory of political power as a non-violent and collective human action challenges this fundamental assumption and offers a new perspective on what constitutes the essence of politics. Arendt’s idea of “human condition” rejects all forms of essentialism with regard to human beings and opens up a theoretical space for a new understanding of international relations where human beings become the primary political agents (despite the fact that she sees the existing international relations more from a realist point of view). Contrary to mainstream IR theories in general, and to realism in particular, for Arendt the individuals, rather than the states, are ultimately the main players in international relations. In this paper, we bind different aspects of Arendt’s political thought together to offer a new theoretical perspective for a possible change in world politics. Manuscript Document

    • Open Access Article

      2 - Cyberspace Pandemic and the Idea of Resistance
      Seyedmohsen Alavipour
      Issue 29 , Volume 13 , Spring_Summer 2021
      Due to the appearance of the virtual world in recent decades, human life encountered a deep transformation which has led to a new life-typology and hence an alternative human-life. In such a world, the new societies, with bonds other than the classical socio-geographica Full Text
      Due to the appearance of the virtual world in recent decades, human life encountered a deep transformation which has led to a new life-typology and hence an alternative human-life. In such a world, the new societies, with bonds other than the classical socio-geographical-political, connect people from all around the world in a new-established social order and even simultaneously in different societies. However, the point is due to the nature of the virtual world, such societies are not based on any human needs, but only the man’s desire which motivates him to subscribe to a new-established society in which solely the founders are the legitimate law-makers. So, unlike the real society, in such societies, due to the state of exception, the authority can issue any regulative rules and all the members are obliged to obey. Exploring the intellectual aspects of the human desire to voluntarily obey this kind of authority, the present study attempts to develop an alternative approach in which the members are allowed to actively participate in social ordering and restrict the exceptional attributions to the authority. Manuscript Document

    • Open Access Article

      3 - The relationship between the Lacanian subject and the formation of theories of the failure of the constitutional movement
      Mohamad Bagheri ali mokhtari Hamdallah akvani Sadegh  Haghighat
      Issue 29 , Volume 13 , Spring_Summer 2021
      Throughout history, numerous movements have been formed in various societies, and after almost all of them, thinkers have emerged who have judged the failure of that movement and theorized it. Therefore, this question arises as to why, despite the influence of movements Full Text
      Throughout history, numerous movements have been formed in various societies, and after almost all of them, thinkers have emerged who have judged the failure of that movement and theorized it. Therefore, this question arises as to why, despite the influence of movements, the subject is persuaded to its failure? To find the answer, Jacques Lacan's psycho-socio-political theories, which have a post-structural background, have been used as a method. Also, the constitutional movement, as an example, has been chosen as a case study for applying Lacan theories. The possible answer to this question, based on Lacan theories, refers to the importance of the subject's desire and fantasy in human dynamism and movement. The research findings show that the subject's belief in failure is inevitable. But this belief is not related to reality but is rooted in the perpetual and ontological gap between the subject and the other. Manuscript Document

    • Open Access Article

      4 - The Relationship between Individual Liberty and Social Welfare in the Thoughts of John Stuart Mill and Amartya Sen
      seyed alireza Hoseyni Beheshti somaye Maleki Dizboni
      Issue 29 , Volume 13 , Spring_Summer 2021
      One of the fundamental issues in contemporary political and economic thought concerns the relationship and consistency between one’s social duties and personal liberties, and different schools have suggested their views on the matter. From a normative point of view, ar Full Text
      One of the fundamental issues in contemporary political and economic thought concerns the relationship and consistency between one’s social duties and personal liberties, and different schools have suggested their views on the matter. From a normative point of view, arguments offered by modern reformist liberalism have attracted more attention in this respect. The positions of John Stuart Mill, as one of the pioneers and influential, and Amartya Kumar Sen as one of the most recent liberal reformists with respect to the idea of welfare, have been at the center of attention for several decades. Here we discuss and analyze the relationship of the concepts of individual liberty and social welfare as argued by them by employing a comparative approach, in order to provide a more elaborate picture of such a relationship. It is shown here that albeit using different methods and approaches, they share similar theoretical starting points and goals on the matter. For Mill, the liberty of the individual and society is viewed as a vital means for achieving happiness. While Mill employs a utilitarian approach to human happiness, offering a critique on utilitarianism and focusing rather on the capability approach, Sen holds that individual and social happiness would best be achieved through providing equal opportunities for free choice for the members of the society. A closer look at the arguments offered by Mill and Sen indicates that, based on the concept of the free and informed modern subject, they both believe that social and political development will improve an individual and social happiness will be better achieved by focusing on individual liberties. Manuscript Document

    • Open Access Article

      5 - The relationship between governmental method and the process of democratization and consolidation of democracy (Case study: Islamic Republic of Iran)
      Mansour  Ansari Mir ghasem seyedinzad
      Issue 29 , Volume 13 , Spring_Summer 2021
      Basically, the issue of democratization and consolidation of democracy has been the main concern of humanity, especially intellectuals and philosophers throughout history; because, firstly, democracy is the most effective system for achieving balance and only order invo Full Text
      Basically, the issue of democratization and consolidation of democracy has been the main concern of humanity, especially intellectuals and philosophers throughout history; because, firstly, democracy is the most effective system for achieving balance and only order involves the least evil, and secondly, in the words of Alfred Smith, all the failures of democracy can be cured with more democracy. However, the rate and percentage of failures and defects are not the same in all countries; For this reason, it is necessary to analyze the systems that have fulfilled all the conditions of democracy to a great extent, the systems that have fulfilled some of the conditions of democracy and the systems that sometimes even have the minimum conditions of democracy. Systems with the first feature are usually democratized, systems with the second feature are hybrid, and systems with the third feature are undemocratic. Each of these governance methods has a direct or indirect relationship with the process of democratization and the consolidation of democracy. In principle, the main problem and question in this research are to explain the relationship between "governmental method" and "the process of democratization and consolidation of democracy" (problem and question). Achieving this goal is pursued with the help of "descriptive-analytical" methods and using the library and digital resources (method). It seems that among the various models of democracy, "minimal democracy" is more closely related to the governing periods of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and "maximum democracy" has the most positive impact on the "process of democratization and consolidation”. (Findings) Manuscript Document

    • Open Access Article

      6 - Factors and Obstacles Affecting the Role of Civic Institutions in the "Reform Period" in Iran: The Internal Dynamics of a Hybrid Political System
      Alireza  Khoshbakht Majid tavasoli Mohammadmahdi mojahedi
      Issue 29 , Volume 13 , Spring_Summer 2021
      The purpose of this article is to discuss the political ups and downs of the “Reform era” in Iran (1997-2005). To analyze the “Islamic Republic of Iran” as a political regime and its dynamics, “Hybrid Regimes” theories have been used in current work. Such theories rejec Full Text
      The purpose of this article is to discuss the political ups and downs of the “Reform era” in Iran (1997-2005). To analyze the “Islamic Republic of Iran” as a political regime and its dynamics, “Hybrid Regimes” theories have been used in current work. Such theories reject the duality of Democracy-Authoritarianism and try to provide essential concepts for analyzing the regimes which are in the middle of the spectrum. Those regimes have unique features in comparison to Democratic or Authoritarian regimes. To analyze the Islamic Republic of Iran as a political regime and to explain the ups and downs of the “Reform era” in Iran, the studies of four researchers on “hybrid Regimes” have been used here. Some of the keynotes which have been applied to the current study to discuss the political ups and downs of that specific period are as follows: the importance of political competition, social and political backgrounds of creation of the Islamic Republic of Iran as a hybrid regime, and finally, the relation between such a regime and rentier economy in Iran. Finally, the article has concluded that the reformist’s earlier progress and their later withdraw and defeat could be considered as “inner dynamics of a hybrid regime” instead of the “the defeated transition to democracy”. Manuscript Document

    • Open Access Article

      7 - The Right to Human Development
      Abbas  Manouchehri Mohammad Dashti
      Issue 29 , Volume 13 , Spring_Summer 2021
      Upcoming doubts and challenges of 'growth theory' for development, and its uncertain pathway over the recent decades, have led to the consideration of the theory of 'human development', with guarantees and provisions such as ' development ethics' and 'the right to dev Full Text
      Upcoming doubts and challenges of 'growth theory' for development, and its uncertain pathway over the recent decades, have led to the consideration of the theory of 'human development', with guarantees and provisions such as ' development ethics' and 'the right to development', for realizing the advancement that its object is 'humans' and people. Nevertheless, since these pre-mentioned provisions from Amartya Sen’s standpoint ultimately require an understanding and interpretation of the "human" identity, and in the theory of "human development" this argument does not have the necessary theoretical adequacy, this article has attempted to be an intellectual aide by "existential anthropology" and “the human existential right" in the theory of human development. Manuscript Document

    • Open Access Article

      8 - Theoretical explanation of the position of civil society in the model of good governance
      Seyed Rahim  Abolhasani Khosrow  Ghobadi
      Issue 29 , Volume 13 , Spring_Summer 2021
      In the model of good governance, the three sectors of public, private, and civil society work together with separate boundaries and in an interactive relationship in order to achieve development goals. This model is inconsistent with the current approach of civil societ Full Text
      In the model of good governance, the three sectors of public, private, and civil society work together with separate boundaries and in an interactive relationship in order to achieve development goals. This model is inconsistent with the current approach of civil society based on the Hegelian conception, which is based on political economy and conflict. Now the question can be asked that in the absence or diminishing role of economics and politics in the definition and explanation of civil society, with what basis and approach can this concept be explained in the model of good governance? The present article argues that cultural approaches to civil society, including Jeffrey Alexander's approach, can further explain civil society in terms of good governance. In this article, the writers discuss some aspects of this explanation by a descriptive and analytical method. The method of data collection is documentary and library, and by referring to reliable sources and analyzing them, documents have been provided to test the hypothesis of the article. Manuscript Document

    • Open Access Article

      9 - Political Psychoanalysis and Discourse:Traumatic Propositions and Hysterical Subjects in Neo-Reformist’s Discourse (2013-2019)
      Mahsima Sohrabi Mohammad Reza  Tajik Mansour Mirahmadi
      Issue 29 , Volume 13 , Spring_Summer 2021
      Psycho-analysis has been concentrated on the unconscious dimensions of political subjects. Accordingly, the main political discourse of each society is considered as the “Other” in corresponding with Lacan’s psychoanalysis that is considered as the “Other” which can cre Full Text
      Psycho-analysis has been concentrated on the unconscious dimensions of political subjects. Accordingly, the main political discourse of each society is considered as the “Other” in corresponding with Lacan’s psychoanalysis that is considered as the “Other” which can create hysteric subjects due to traumatic propositions. In the other words, in the case of the existence of any divergence between the metaphorical space of the discourse as the “Other” with the concrete realities of the society, it will lead to the activation of its symptomatic aspect. In fact, such crisis is taken into consideration as the significant security penetration in pluralist societies under the classification of passive defense by virtue of triggering dynamic energy of the mass and their canalization by the external and aggressive counter-discourses. This condition can jeopardize the “National Security” in each society. The current survey by recognizing the prominence of this subject has focused its duty to anatomize and find out the traumatic statements in the Neo-Reformist’s discourse, in the course of 6 years (2013-2019) to scrutinize the reason for the formation of hysteric subjects. To do so, this research has examined the Neo-reformist's discourse based on Lacanian psycho-analysis school and Laclau and Mouffe’s Discourse analysis as its method. The results of this article demonstrated the conspicuous divergence between the metaphorical constellation of the Neo-reformist’s discourse in confrontation with the concrete realities of Iran’s society that terminated in transformation its statements into traumatic ones and hence, creation of hysteric subjects that displayed their protestation towards malfunction of this discourse within different reincarnating movements. Manuscript Document

    • Open Access Article

      10 - Explaining the position of the President in the Constitution from the perspective of the efficiency of political institutions in the Islamic Republic of Iran
      seyedreza shakeri
      Issue 29 , Volume 13 , Spring_Summer 2021
      Political institutions in the light of the evolution of political thought and theories can show new possibilities and limitations. The President has an important and decisive position in the Iranian Constitution, which stems from the direct vote of the people, the ratif Full Text
      Political institutions in the light of the evolution of political thought and theories can show new possibilities and limitations. The President has an important and decisive position in the Iranian Constitution, which stems from the direct vote of the people, the ratification of the Supreme Leader, the representation of Iran's national sovereignty in relation to other countries, and its symbolic national face.Today, when the power of states and governments has diminished and, instead, human and individual responsibilities have been highlighted in various spheres of society, politics, and economy and in common human issues, the position of the President, according to new readings, acquires such capacities.Today, as the power of states and governments has diminished and, instead, human and individual responsibilities have been highlighted in various spheres of society, politics, and economics and in common human issues, the position of the President, according to new readings, acquires such capacities.The question of this research is what is the role and position of the president in the constitution according to the efficiency indicators and how can this position be promoted in practice to increase his efficiency? The position of the President is studied in this article with the aim of recognizing and explaining the new possibilities of political action.This effort is based on the components of efficiency within the normative institutional theory. The results show that all the human and cultural content of Constitution can show and reveal new functional aspects for president according to those components. Manuscript Document

    • Open Access Article

      11 - Critique of Homayoun Katozian's view of "Iranian tyranny"
      Abdolrahman  Hassanifar
      Issue 29 , Volume 13 , Spring_Summer 2021
      One of the common theories focused on politics, society, and state in Iran is the "theory of despotism". Many Iranian and non-Iranian thinkers have commented and even theorized about why and how the emergence, formation, and continuation of "despotism" in Iran. Mohammad Full Text
      One of the common theories focused on politics, society, and state in Iran is the "theory of despotism". Many Iranian and non-Iranian thinkers have commented and even theorized about why and how the emergence, formation, and continuation of "despotism" in Iran. Mohammad Ali (Homayoun) Katozian is one of the Iranian scholars who have proposed the view of "despotism" on the history of Iran. In Katouzian's view, Iranian society and state have historically been in a cycle of "despotism, chaos, chaos, and despotism". In this view, Iranian society has always been either plagued by despotism or by chaos, conflict, and strife. Katozian's view emphasizes the comprehensive impact of authoritarian political power on other dimensions of society. The question is whether Katozian's view of Iranian despotism is a result of the whole of Iranian history? The findings indicate that Katozian's view is not relevant to the entire history of Iran and this article examines this discrepancy. The method of the article is descriptive-analytical. Manuscript Document

    • Open Access Article

      12 - Facing the Other: mouffe or Habermass
      Giti  Pourzaki
      Issue 29 , Volume 13 , Spring_Summer 2021
      Chantal Mouffe and Jürgen Habermas's thoughts, despite their very serious differences, are one of the most important sources of thought in the field of facing the other. This article tries to retrieve the ideas of these two thinkers about facing the other due to their w Full Text
      Chantal Mouffe and Jürgen Habermas's thoughts, despite their very serious differences, are one of the most important sources of thought in the field of facing the other. This article tries to retrieve the ideas of these two thinkers about facing the other due to their weaknesses and shortcomings, and by their theoretical reconstruction, a more complete typology offers a variety of facing the other. Another purpose of this article is to show the strengths and weaknesses of each of these types to show which of them can be more justified and rational. Accordingly, the main question of the present article is what types of confrontation can there be with the other? And which type of confrontation is more rationally justified? The main hypothesis is that the types of encounters with the other can be summarized into 5 types: becoming another, another taboo, antagonism, agonism, and another reflective understanding. Another reflective understanding seems to be more rationally justified. The method of research will be a descriptive and critical analysis. Manuscript Document
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    • Open Access Article

      1 - “Radical Liberal Democracy” as Foucault’s Alternative for Political Modernity
      Ali Salehifarsani
      Issue 25 , Volume 11 , Spring_Summer 2019
      The goal of this article is an evaluation of concrete effect of Foucault’s fundamental and genealogical criticism of modernity, and examining Foucault’s ideas that signify the political system and agency. Foucault believes in the de-transcendentalization of power and kn Full Text
      The goal of this article is an evaluation of concrete effect of Foucault’s fundamental and genealogical criticism of modernity, and examining Foucault’s ideas that signify the political system and agency. Foucault believes in the de-transcendentalization of power and knowledge in modern era. The problem is the effect of acceptance of de-transcendentalization of power on political agency, state and governmentality. Foucault’s de-transcendental view does not consider the political as something that is related to sovereignty, and by placing it in an undeterministic framework that is simultaneously cultural and political, he calls it governmentality. Sovereignty doesn't exist in a de-transcendental framework as it may make a person inferior to do something that he wants himself. In contrast, governmentality effects on the practice of ruled, as this is context of self-changing and self-regulating in their everyday behaviors. However, they are not made to do a work that they do not like, but power exercises freely and through the objectification of the subject over them. In response to this problem, Morris Barbie's theory of political modernity, applied as heuristic device for definition of the political and method of application is Arthur Lovejoy's history of ideas. The theory of political modernity prompts dichotomy of freedom-subjugation in two dimensions of state and civil society, in so that correspond with liberal democracy system through priority of subjugation. Hypothesis of this article is that Foucault’s belif that political modernity and liberal democracy system prompts the priority of subjugation and it leads to radical liberal democracy. Manuscript Document

    • Open Access Article

      2 - Theology and Politics in Political Thought of Frankfurt School
      Iraj Ranjbar  
      Issue 18 , Volume 7 , Autumn_Winter 2020
      According to theoretical view of Habermas on “relation between ethics and politics” in history of western political thought, the ethics and politics in classic era and aristotelian tradition are ingrained around the concept of welfare, because the ethics defines the wel Full Text
      According to theoretical view of Habermas on “relation between ethics and politics” in history of western political thought, the ethics and politics in classic era and aristotelian tradition are ingrained around the concept of welfare, because the ethics defines the welfare and the politics serves as achieving welfare concept. Although, in the modern political thought and in Hobbsian tradition, the ethics and politics are seperated from each other, because the politics defines its goal, not as prospering and giving excellence to its citizens, but as controlling and managing the human instinct for the creation of “security” and achieving “prosperity”. With this description and according to the theoretical framework of Habermas, the present paper believes that in the views of Frankfurt school intellectuals, the ethics and politics merge around the ethical concept like the classic tradition, the only difference is that the joining of ethics and politics is not “prosperity" concept but it is the “salvation” concepts; the concept that is compatible with “excellence concept”. We should add this point that any of this school intellectuals considers the “salvation” achievement way in its special mechanism. Horkhimer, “the objective intellect”, Adorno, “aeshetics”, Markoze, “the intellectual reconstruction of society”And Hobermas, “the dialogue” is the way of achieving the salvation. Manuscript Document

    • Open Access Article

      3 - Language, Power and Ideology in Norman Fairclough’s ‘Critical’ Approach to Discourse Analysis
      جهانگیر  جهانگیری علی  بندرریگی‌زاده
      Issue 14 , Volume 5 , Autumn_Winter 2020
      Critical discourse analysis (CDA) started in the early 1990s and has become a well-established field in the social science in the twenty-first century .CDA can be defined as a problem-oriented interdisciplinary research program. In general, power, and especially institu Full Text
      Critical discourse analysis (CDA) started in the early 1990s and has become a well-established field in the social science in the twenty-first century .CDA can be defined as a problem-oriented interdisciplinary research program. In general, power, and especially institutionally reproduced power, is central to CDA. The purpose of CDA is to analyze opaque as well as transparent structural relationships of dominance, discrimination, power and control as manifested in language. CDA states that discourse is an instrument of power. The way this instrument of power works is often hard to understand, and CDA aims to make it more visible and transparent. A critical discourse analysis should not be a discourse analysis that reacts against power alone. It should be an analysis of power effects, of the outcome of power, of what power does to people, groups, and societies, and of how this impact comes about. The deepest effect of power everywhere is inequality, as power differentiates and selects, includes and excludes. CDA is an approach to the analysis of discourse which views language as a social practice and is interested in the ways that ideologies and power relations are expressed through language. It wants to understand how language is used to create, maintain and challenge power relationships and ideologies. Norman Fairclough is one of the most famous thinkers of CDA. He seeks to develop ways of analyzing language which address its involvement in the working of contemporary capitalist societies. He is working in a tradition of critical social research which is focused on better understanding of how and why contemporary capitalism prevents or limits, as well as in certain respects facilitating, human well-being and flourishing. Such understanding may, in favorable circumstances, contribute to overcoming or at least mitigating these obstacles and limits. Manuscript Document

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      4 - Political Ideonomy of Human Development Theory and Extracting its Policy Implications in Higher Education
            reza mahidi
      Issue 27 , Volume 12 , Spring_Summer 2020
      The dominant idea of development as economic growth has considered the formation of human capital for achieving the end of economic growth as the main function of higher education institutions in the development process. But the empirical failure of this overly simplifi Full Text
      The dominant idea of development as economic growth has considered the formation of human capital for achieving the end of economic growth as the main function of higher education institutions in the development process. But the empirical failure of this overly simplified idea and the emergence of other critical development theories have brought the necessity of applying different policy priorities in reconsidering the role of key institutions such as higher education to the fore. The purpose of this article is to study human development theory from the viewpoint of political thought and extract its policy implications in the realm of higher education; Thus the implicative narrative theory has been used as a conceptual framework and implication research as a methodology. According to the findings of the article, the political thought of the human development theory by going beyond the binary of individual and society, structure and agency, fact and value, the private and common good, or state and market, has emphasized and concentrated on their complementary role in designing and evaluating a good society. In addition to the importance of higher education institutions in human capital formation for achieving the end of economic growth, human development theory highlights the other key and neglected functions of higher education such as developing freedom, democracy, and social justice in the development process. Manuscript Document

    • Open Access Article

      5 - “Civil Disobedience” One Idea for Passing “Theoretical dead-end” of liberalism
      تورج  رحمانی علی  مختاری
      Issue 18 , Volume 7 , Autumn_Winter 2020
      Civil disobedience has a long history in campaign method position. Political campaign of Mahatma Ghandi, Martin Luther King, and Nelson Mandella in 20 th century, are clear examples of civil disobedience. Of course this concept didn’t remain at the level of tactics and Full Text
      Civil disobedience has a long history in campaign method position. Political campaign of Mahatma Ghandi, Martin Luther King, and Nelson Mandella in 20 th century, are clear examples of civil disobedience. Of course this concept didn’t remain at the level of tactics and political campaign method, but it had been deliberated theoretically and philosophically by some inellectuals like Hana Arendt, Urgen Habermas, Ronald Dorkin, John Rawls and many others and entered practically to modern political philosophy domain. In this paper we try to comprehend this fact that why and how civil disobedience tactic was deliberated theoretically by philosophers and turned into a serious issue in political philosophy domain? The proposed view in this paper is that through Arendti argumentation of civil disobidience concept and by documentation of society intellectual convention formation of liberalism’s instruction aboat crises and tensions, we can show the importance of civil disobedience concept in modern political thought. The crisis of liberal tradition in theoretical domain and existing capacities of civil disobedience thought in intellecual tactics and criticism, created the bond of this concept with modern political thought domain. Manuscript Document

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      6 - Civil Relation and Empowerment: Comparative Study of Hannah Arendt and Amartya Sen
      attaallah karimzadeh A m
      Issue 26 , Volume 11 , Autumn_Winter 2019
      Hannah Ardent as a political philosopher, offering the concept of “civic virtue” and criticizing Liberal democracy, tried to constitute a way of good life in her time. In her version of civic virtue, human as a citizen should be able to secure his/her liberty and equali Full Text
      Hannah Ardent as a political philosopher, offering the concept of “civic virtue” and criticizing Liberal democracy, tried to constitute a way of good life in her time. In her version of civic virtue, human as a citizen should be able to secure his/her liberty and equality, in a context of dialogue and interaction. On the other hand, Amartya Sen in his human development approach, tried to moralize economy in context of Political thought by taking a critical view toward the concept of modernization and economic development. Sen, with the concept of Empowerment, introduced development as freedom, and considered Empowerment as a road to freedom. This notion takes place in an equal and moral context in which each entity of humankind, besides being an agent and capable toward others, has the possibility of dialogue and discussion in democratic situation. In this article, we propose that how the concept of civic virtue in Hannah Ardent has related to human development approach in Amartya Sen, considering human agency in the context. Based on the mentioned question, we assume that the human development approach is in line with civic virtue; which in both the essential priority is human agency. We show that from a civic viewpoint, Empowerment in the context of understanding and interaction has common conceptual and practical grounds with civic virtue as citizenship responsibility in context of dialogue and interaction. Manuscript Document

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      7 - Theological Interpretation of Political Affair in Carl Schmite's View
      سمیه  حمیدی
      Issue 18 , Volume 7 , Autumn_Winter 2020
      The european modern age has been considered as contemporary with renaissance so as the issue of seperation of religion and politics is one of its key concepts. This discontinuity predisposed the emergence of modernism view with the axis of human’s self-founded intellect Full Text
      The european modern age has been considered as contemporary with renaissance so as the issue of seperation of religion and politics is one of its key concepts. This discontinuity predisposed the emergence of modernism view with the axis of human’s self-founded intellect and the earthly politics project so that it lead to thought production based on the seperation of politics and religion. But in 20 th century, we observe the return of religion to politics field and political theorizing in this field. The beginning of theorizing in political theology can be observed in the views of German intellectual “Karl Schmit”. Through the new interpretation of christian theology, he rejected the thesis of the seperation of theology and politics. the problem of this paper is that what interpretation of political affair, schmit offers based on the theological propositions and what new understanding of religion and its relation with political affairs proposes? Schmit considers religion as the social life foundation and defines political affairs in relation with politics. In his view, the political concepts are the traditional form of theological concepts. Manuscript Document

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      8 - The multi-layer model of analysis of 11th presidential elections
      saeed nariman  
      Issue 19 , Volume 8 , Spring_Summer 2020
      the presidential elections in Iran have always surprised the political analysts and experts. Through the analytical investigations of 11th presidential elections of Iran , both at the level of Iranian and also foreign analysts, it has become clear that the most of this Full Text
      the presidential elections in Iran have always surprised the political analysts and experts. Through the analytical investigations of 11th presidential elections of Iran , both at the level of Iranian and also foreign analysts, it has become clear that the most of this surprise is due to the one-factor and one- dimensional analyses and there is no model that can investigate all effective layers and dimensions in the elections’ results. So this essay is determined to study the 11th elections by means of 3-layer model that its most internal layer is discursive level of elections, its medial layer is based on the relative deprivation theory that tries to illustrate the social and economic circumstances of society and its outset layer, studies the description of the field level of elections and presents the personal, political and social factors that are effective in the elections results Manuscript Document

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      9 - Shifting Mechanisms in I.R.Iran and Japan Relations
      الهه  كولايي ماندانا  تيشه‌يار
      Issue 5 , Volume 8 , Winter 2020
      Essential principle of Japan’s foreign relations with all countries used to be separation of political issues from economic considerations. The shift in the nature and structure of power within international system led this country to revise its outlook and base its ec Full Text
      Essential principle of Japan’s foreign relations with all countries used to be separation of political issues from economic considerations. The shift in the nature and structure of power within international system led this country to revise its outlook and base its economic relations on political relations with different countries. To serve their own long-term interests, today Japanese find it an undeniable necessity to accord with the global process of supporting western globalized models and values. Fearing that its strategic relations with the US be disturbed, could be considered one of the factors in changing Japan’s attitude towards Iran. Manuscript Document

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      10 - From Market Defeat to Government DefeatMarket-inclined and Government-inclined Controversy in Modern Age
      حجت  کاظمی
      Issue 18 , Volume 7 , Autumn_Winter 2020
      From controversial view that has been flowing with regard to governmental interference and market freedom since three last centuries, two approaches can be identified: market-inclined and gvernment-inclined. This distinction is based on the weight that each approach ass Full Text
      From controversial view that has been flowing with regard to governmental interference and market freedom since three last centuries, two approaches can be identified: market-inclined and gvernment-inclined. This distinction is based on the weight that each approach assigns to one of these two institutions and its capacities for achievement of optimal economical efficiency. Controversy on this issue has a deep idealogic nature more than anything else and each approach tries to form historical evidence in their favors. In this paper, in addition to proposing the historical process of two approaches’ controversy and their internal varieties, we prove that in the shadow of achievements and failures of two approaches on one hand and proposing the alternative theoretical patterns and formation of developmental successful experience outside of conventional experiences that documented by two controversy parties on other hand, the grounds of the new pattern proposition of governmental interfernce extent have been provided since 1990 decade until now. The institution-inclined approach focusing on the topic of “quality” of interference instead of “quantity” of governmental interference is looking beyond the mentioned ideologic controversy and theorizing aboat the method and quality of positive governmental interaction with market institutions. Manuscript Document
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