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Pazhūhish-i Źabān va Adabiyyāt-i Farsī
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Open Access Article
1 - Application of Conceptual History in Understanding Political Thought and Action
hossein sharifara morteza Bahrani seyed khodayar Mortazavi alasl Farid khatamiIssue 32 , Vol. 17 , Autumn_Winter 2022Conceptual history is a theoretical approach to the modern understanding of political thought and action over time and in the context of sociopolitical transformations. In this approach, concepts are rooted in social developments; In such a way that with the change and MoreConceptual history is a theoretical approach to the modern understanding of political thought and action over time and in the context of sociopolitical transformations. In this approach, concepts are rooted in social developments; In such a way that with the change and development in the society and the field of action, the concepts also change in terms of meaning and function. The question of this essay is how to understand and interpret the relationship between political practice and political theory and whether conceptual history can explain this relationship in a way that the researcher, besides exploring it, fulfills his responsibility of constructing a better society and a better world. The assumption is that conceptual history can both present the most appropriate interpretation of the quality of existence of affairs and opens horizon of future for intervening social affairs; in a way that the realm of the researcher’s action in a position of a theoretical actor is determined. Using descriptive and analytical method, this essay introduces conceptual history. This article seeks to comprehend and interpret conceptual history in the context of modern understanding. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
2 - Recognition Theory in the Absence of "The Non-Western Other" (A Critical Encounter With Honneth’s Theory of Recognition)
Azadeh Shabani Abbas Manoochehri Hossein Mesbahian Ehsan ShariatiIssue 32 , Vol. 17 , Autumn_Winter 2022The purpose of this article is to answer the question of what is the position of the "non-western other" in the theory of "Axel Honet" and what are the aspects and coordinates of non-inclusion in Honet's theory of ethics.. Therefore, the first part of this article is de MoreThe purpose of this article is to answer the question of what is the position of the "non-western other" in the theory of "Axel Honet" and what are the aspects and coordinates of non-inclusion in Honet's theory of ethics.. Therefore, the first part of this article is devoted to the explanation of the fundamentals of Axel Honte's theory of ethics. The second part of the article is devoted to criticisms that have entered into the whole theory of Haunt. The focus of this part is to shed light on things regarding the exploited class and the humiliated gender, as well as doubting the liberating ability of the theory of values and its abstraction from the structures of domination and power. But in the third part, which is the main topic of the article, the value science is examined in connection with the non-western other. Finally, we try to explain the predicament of the non-western other, which is fundamentally invisible. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
3 - The Exploration of Political Violence from Della Porta’s Point of View: Hidden Violence
Seyed Javad Salehi Fateh Moradi NiazIssue 32 , Vol. 17 , Autumn_Winter 2022Arab uprisings, interpreted by many as spring or awakening, failed in its core objectives of achieving freedom and democracy. The path to freedom by these nations soonwas highjacked and replaced by violence. This includes Islamic Fundamentalist groups such as ISIS and a MoreArab uprisings, interpreted by many as spring or awakening, failed in its core objectives of achieving freedom and democracy. The path to freedom by these nations soonwas highjacked and replaced by violence. This includes Islamic Fundamentalist groups such as ISIS and al-Qaeda, authoritarian regimes, and militant groups in Iraq, Syria and Yemen have displayed new dimensions of unbridled violence through the capacity of audio-visual media. In fact, violence has become an instrument for various political and military actors to represent their strength through it in these regions. Hence, the importance of this variable and the role it plays in recent developments in the countries as part of the Arab uprisings has led the authors to study the causes and consequences of the formation of violence, especially with political motives, around the question of what are the central characteristics of political violence from Dellaporta's point of view? Therefore, in this study an attempt is made to analyze this phenomenon in an intellectual and discourse format with an analytical-explanatory approach and by referring to Donatella Dellaporta's opinions in the field of political violence by referring to library and internet sources. The research hypothesis is based on the principle that political violence, especially hidden violence, is a complex and multidimensional process that has its own mechanisms. In fact, hidden political violence is the result of multi-faceted interaction and confrontation between the government and social groups and activists according to the available facilities and capacities. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
4 - Traumatic Narratives Emotions and Foreign Policy: Theoretical Hypotheses on The Basis of Iranian Experiences
Homeira MoshirzadehIssue 32 , Vol. 17 , Autumn_Winter 2022Following the “emotional turn” in International Relations, emotions since the 2000shave increasingly been regarded as a significant feature of international life. Thus collective memories (particularly traumatic memories together with emotions)and the narratives constit MoreFollowing the “emotional turn” in International Relations, emotions since the 2000shave increasingly been regarded as a significant feature of international life. Thus collective memories (particularly traumatic memories together with emotions)and the narratives constituting collective memory have become prominent issues in the contemporary study of international relations and foreign policy. The historical experience of trauma can in particular shape narratives and emotions hence influencing identity and agency; and hereby impacting foreign policy through legitimization and de-legitimization of specific foreign policy actions. What is less discussed in the literature is the conditions and the degree of their overall impact. This article seeks to develop a framework for the study of the ways in which significant traumatic narratives affect emotions, and hence it will seek to identity its related agenciesand actions within the context of foreign policy. On the basis of a few traumatic narratives in the history of Iranthis article subsequently develops a number of hypotheses about the impacts of traumatic narratives on foreign policy as a basis for empirical studies and research. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
5 - Celebrityization of Politics: Shaping Forces and Indicators
ahmad Naghibzadeh mohhamad taqi shariati shiriIssue 32 , Vol. 17 , Autumn_Winter 2022Since the entrance of celebrities into the modern political arena several decades have passed. The increase of personalism, populism and the dramatization of politics are only a few of the consequences of the presence of celebrities in politics.. Despite this, this phen MoreSince the entrance of celebrities into the modern political arena several decades have passed. The increase of personalism, populism and the dramatization of politics are only a few of the consequences of the presence of celebrities in politics.. Despite this, this phenomenon has been intentionally or unintentionally left out of serious academic discussions or completely ignored, and therefore there is a great theoretical void felt within it. Although some thinkers have set forth the new concept of celebritization of society, the subject has largely remained at the level of sociology and has not been extended into the political science. This is where the upcoming research tries to fill th the gap of theory in the field of politics and to pave the way for further research on such a common phenomenon in today's politics, to identify the forces that shape the celebrityization of politics and elaborate on its indicators..To achieve this goal and by using the theory of celebrityization of society, the authors put forward the hypothesis that the forces that shape celebrityization include network governance, mediaization, and presidentialization of politics, which lead to the following indicators: politicization, informalization of politics, decline of parties. Politics and the emergence of new citizens and everyday makers. The method of collecting documentary and library information and the method of judging the data is based on referring to the first category sources and analyzing them to provide the documents needed in examining the hypothesis. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
6 - Discourse Analysis: Ideology or Method? Reflections on the Philosophical-Ideological Foundations of Michel Foucault's Discourse Analysis
Mari Eftekharzade Farhad soleiman-nezhadIssue 32 , Vol. 17 , Autumn_Winter 2022In this paper, it will be argued that, contrary to the prevailing practice in Iran from the mid-1990s to the present, Michel Foucault's Discourse Analysis (FDA) cannot be used separatelyas a mere method in various fields of humanities andwithout considering its philosop MoreIn this paper, it will be argued that, contrary to the prevailing practice in Iran from the mid-1990s to the present, Michel Foucault's Discourse Analysis (FDA) cannot be used separatelyas a mere method in various fields of humanities andwithout considering its philosophical-ideological bases. FDA stems from his particular ideological perspective of the course of modern times from the renaissance to the end of the enlightenment (14th to the 18th century) and derives from particular philosophical and ontological sources that Foucault deeply believed them. In other words, there is an organic unity between FDA, as a method, and its philosophical content, and the fact that Foucault turned to Discourse Analysis and adopted it as a seemingly new method in analyzing the history of the new age was notarbitrary but a deliberate choice. In fact, it came from his own philosophical logic; alogic that is consistent with G. W. F. Hegelian historicism, which Foucault ostensibly opposed.Hegelianism, with its deterministic logic, develops an organic view of history that is consistent with Foucault's structural and institutional view of power. . On the other hand, Hegelian historicism does not place importance on the role of humans in the formation of historical events, and this feature is also fully compatible with Foucault's theory of the subject's death.Thus, one can use Foucault's discourse analysis only as a method of analyzing various subjects if one firmly believes in its ideological foundations, such as the death of man. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
7 - The Relationship Between Innovations in Power and Governance in the Thought of "Michel Foucault" and "Gilles Deleuze"
Mohammad Malekifar Ali Mokhtari hamdallah akvani Abuzar FatahizadehIssue 32 , Vol. 17 , Autumn_Winter 2022The dominant view among liberal and Marxist thinkers indicates that the ruling power seeks to adopt a legal order within a specific territory. Therefore, the ruling power is considered as a system of legal obligations and prohibitions that are applied withinthe law. But MoreThe dominant view among liberal and Marxist thinkers indicates that the ruling power seeks to adopt a legal order within a specific territory. Therefore, the ruling power is considered as a system of legal obligations and prohibitions that are applied withinthe law. But thinkers such as "Michel Foucault" and "Gilles Deleuze" recognize a gap in governance mechanisms. Foucault believes that since the 17thand 18thcenturies, instead of legal prohibitions, the government sought to shape its subjects in a positive way and tried to cultivate normal and obedient subjects. In the continuation of Foucault's studies, Gilles Deleuze continues that 20thcentury governments by regulatory ways, tryto lead the subjects towards their goals. In consequence, this article tries to address the question of what factor causes change in the way of governance in Foucault's and Deleuze's thought? The phenomenological examination of the opinions of these two thinkers shows that the root of innovation to governancelies in power. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
8 - Cosmology of Politics Al Farabi and the Lack of Need to Evaluate Propositions in Civil Philosophy
Reza Akbari NouriIssue 32 , Vol. 17 , Autumn_Winter 2022The relationship between practical philosophy and theoretical philosophy is an old topic in the history of political philosophy. This relationship in the old philosophical system is mainly a secondary relationship between practical philosophy and theoretical philosophy. MoreThe relationship between practical philosophy and theoretical philosophy is an old topic in the history of political philosophy. This relationship in the old philosophical system is mainly a secondary relationship between practical philosophy and theoretical philosophy.But the important issue is the degree of adherence of practical philosophy to theoretical philosophy, and the effect that one has on the other. Based on this assumption, the present article will argue on what this relationship is in the tenth century Abu Nasr M. Farabi's political philosophy, and the extent of his theoretical philosophy's influence on the reproduction of practical philosophy. For this purpose, by relying on a cognitive method in ancient philosophy (i.e., analogy) an attempt has been made to show how Farabi reproduced his political philosophy by placing theoretical philosophy as a basis. The article argues that Farabi has extracted his political philosophy from the heart of theoretical philosophy in a one-sided action, and this action has reached the reproduction of theoretical philosophy in political philosophy. By focusing on theoretical philosophy and transferring propositions from theoretical philosophy to political philosophy, Farabi doesnot recognize the need to re-evaluate the propositions transferred to political philosophy. In a similar context by matching one of these two to the other using the method of analogy or analogy, Farabi practically has seen no need to reassess his propositions in political philosophy.Therefore, his task as a political philosopher in describing the utopia and desirable order and the non-ideal and non-ideal cities is completed in a place that has not yet moved far from theoretical philosophy. In this article, an attempt has been made to show how the independence of political philosophy and its understanding in his opinions is subject to theoretical philosophy, relying on the method that Farabi has chosen to achieve political philosophy, and how this issue has caused his commentators to have very different views from each other. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
9 - A letter for Iran; A Study of The Relationship Between Religion, Politics and Iranianism in "The Letter of Tansar" in the Framework of Machiavelli's Thoughts
ali tadayyonrad sara najafpourIssue 32 , Vol. 17 , Autumn_Winter 2022While the relationship between religion and politics is considered one of the basic issues in the study of the political thought system and action of the Sassanid era, the prevailing idea is that the politics and commanding of this era was mostly in the hands of Mobdanb MoreWhile the relationship between religion and politics is considered one of the basic issues in the study of the political thought system and action of the Sassanid era, the prevailing idea is that the politics and commanding of this era was mostly in the hands of Mobdanbar, the circuit and clergies in Zoroastrianism, to strengthen and consolidate it. Sassanid politics is thus considered to be religion-oriented.. This research is an effort to rethink this familiar concept by re-reading the relationship between religion and politics in the light of the comparative study of the text "Letter of Tansar to Goshnasp" with the ideas of "Machiavelli" in this field. From this reading, it seems that the strategy and approach of the Sassanid founders in relation to the categories of religion and politics should not be considered religion-oriented, but rather as Iran-oriented and Iranist. The axis of their political action and thought is in consequence political and Iranian, using the tools of religion. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
10 - The Components of Political Thought of The Herat School in The Thought System of Maulana Abdul Rahman Jami
Mohammad dawood Erfan Seyed Hossein Athari Ruhollah Islami Mahdi NajafzadeIssue 32 , Vol. 17 , Autumn_Winter 2022Mehdi Najafzadeh**** Herat was formerly one of the important centers of Islamic thought and power withinthe Khorasan school. This city has been the place of emergence of great scientists and thinkers throughout the history. During the period of Timurids (14th century C MoreMehdi Najafzadeh**** Herat was formerly one of the important centers of Islamic thought and power withinthe Khorasan school. This city has been the place of emergence of great scientists and thinkers throughout the history. During the period of Timurids (14th century C.E.), connection of thought and power eventually led to the emergence of the political school of Herat. Abdur Rahman Jami, as the leader of this school, played an undeniable role in the growth and excellence of Herat's political school. Jami was an intellectual mentor who made the interaction of mysticism and politics possible for the first time in the history of Islam. The Timurid power system and court was soon influenced by Jami's thought and crystallized in the behavior and actions of political agents in the context of the society .This article seeks to answer the question of what constituted Jami's political thought that helped shape the political school of Herat? This article, with the goal-legitimacy framework of "John Murrow" and Quentin Skinner's interpretive hermeneutic method, aims to examine the most important concepts produced by Jami's thought thatentered into the political system of his era by him and his students. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
11 - the analysing of institutionalization obstacles of political parties in quasi-democratic systems
majid piruz seyed alireza Hoseyni Beheshti مسعود غفاری Farshad MomeniIssue 32 , Vol. 17 , Autumn_Winter 2022The purpose of this article is to analyse institutionalization obstacles of political parties in quasi-democratic systems. These systems have a combination of democratic appearance and authoritarianism contents, and lack institutionalized competition between political MoreThe purpose of this article is to analyse institutionalization obstacles of political parties in quasi-democratic systems. These systems have a combination of democratic appearance and authoritarianism contents, and lack institutionalized competition between political parties. What is most evident in such systems is the formation of groups centering on prominent individuals and, in effect, changing to mere means to expand their influence. In this study, such parties are recognized as‘entrepreneur parties.’ The hypothesis is the short-comingsconcerned withpolitical culture, laws, regulations, and criteria of judgement, and the performance of political competition, leading to the formation of theentrepreneur party, an organization that does not benefit from the institutional tradition and continue to exist only under prominent figures. In this study, the descriptive-analytical method is based on library data.The aim of this paper is to introducethe comprehensive set of institutional arrangements in quasi-democratic systems that affect the nature of political parties’ organizations and to provide a better understanding of the party-centered relations in quasi-democratic systems. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
12 - Waqf and the Function of Political Participation in Contemporary Iran: A Study From the New Institutionalism Point of View
Ali Karim Hadisi Mojtaba Maghsoodi Akbar Ashrafi Babak NaderpourIssue 32 , Vol. 17 , Autumn_Winter 2022Waqf [a system of land-based charitable endowment], as rooted in historical and religious traditions in Iran and the Islamic world, has always been a topic of interest for believers, philanthropists, statesmen, and of course those who have benefited from it in different MoreWaqf [a system of land-based charitable endowment], as rooted in historical and religious traditions in Iran and the Islamic world, has always been a topic of interest for believers, philanthropists, statesmen, and of course those who have benefited from it in different social groups and classes. For a long time, the mechanisms of waqf as a non-governmental and traditional institution have been very influential on various social, political, economic, and cultural structures. Today, with the introduction of the idea of small government and big civil society, these institutions have the potential for attracting renewed attention to revise their internal and external mechanisms and to revitalize their functionality. The main question of this study is as follow: from the standpoint of New Institutionalism, how does waqf as a Sharia-based, society-centered, andnon-governmental institution affect political participation? Our hypothesis is that the practice of waqf facilitates higher degrees of political participation sinceas a non-governmental institution, it takes up some of the responsibilities of the state for social justice, and with a philanthropy that is based in piety and humanism, it contributes to the distribution of wealth and resources. Indeed we can account for different aspects of this mechanism by re-reading the concept of waqf andits historical background from the perspective of New Institutionalism. This research tries to help represent this neglected field by using a qualitative-conceptual method. Findings of this study portrayWaqf in three ways; "Social participation" through focusing on health care, "economic participation" through donations and welfare services, and "political participation" through cultural-educational functions, especially for the needy and disadvantaged groups Governance helps and has the talent to serve as a model of efficient and community-based governance. Manuscript profile
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Open Access Article
1 - Political Ideonomy of Human Development Theory and Extracting its Policy Implications in Higher Education
reza mahidiIssue 27 , Vol. 14 , Spring_Summer 2020The dominant idea of development as economic growth has considered the formation of human capital for achieving the end of economic growth as the main function of higher education institutions in the development process. But the empirical failure of this overly simplifi MoreThe dominant idea of development as economic growth has considered the formation of human capital for achieving the end of economic growth as the main function of higher education institutions in the development process. But the empirical failure of this overly simplified idea and the emergence of other critical development theories have brought the necessity of applying different policy priorities in reconsidering the role of key institutions such as higher education to the fore. The purpose of this article is to study human development theory from the viewpoint of political thought and extract its policy implications in the realm of higher education; Thus the implicative narrative theory has been used as a conceptual framework and implication research as a methodology. According to the findings of the article, the political thought of the human development theory by going beyond the binary of individual and society, structure and agency, fact and value, the private and common good, or state and market, has emphasized and concentrated on their complementary role in designing and evaluating a good society. In addition to the importance of higher education institutions in human capital formation for achieving the end of economic growth, human development theory highlights the other key and neglected functions of higher education such as developing freedom, democracy, and social justice in the development process. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
2 - “Radical Liberal Democracy” as Foucault’s Alternative for Political Modernity
Ali SalehifarsaniIssue 25 , Vol. 13 , Spring_Summer 2019The goal of this article is an evaluation of concrete effect of Foucault’s fundamental and genealogical criticism of modernity, and examining Foucault’s ideas that signify the political system and agency. Foucault believes in the de-transcendentalization of power and kn MoreThe goal of this article is an evaluation of concrete effect of Foucault’s fundamental and genealogical criticism of modernity, and examining Foucault’s ideas that signify the political system and agency. Foucault believes in the de-transcendentalization of power and knowledge in modern era. The problem is the effect of acceptance of de-transcendentalization of power on political agency, state and governmentality. Foucault’s de-transcendental view does not consider the political as something that is related to sovereignty, and by placing it in an undeterministic framework that is simultaneously cultural and political, he calls it governmentality. Sovereignty doesn't exist in a de-transcendental framework as it may make a person inferior to do something that he wants himself. In contrast, governmentality effects on the practice of ruled, as this is context of self-changing and self-regulating in their everyday behaviors. However, they are not made to do a work that they do not like, but power exercises freely and through the objectification of the subject over them. In response to this problem, Morris Barbie's theory of political modernity, applied as heuristic device for definition of the political and method of application is Arthur Lovejoy's history of ideas. The theory of political modernity prompts dichotomy of freedom-subjugation in two dimensions of state and civil society, in so that correspond with liberal democracy system through priority of subjugation. Hypothesis of this article is that Foucault’s belif that political modernity and liberal democracy system prompts the priority of subjugation and it leads to radical liberal democracy. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
3 - Theology and Politics in Political Thought of Frankfurt School
Iraj RanjbarIssue 18 , Vol. 10 , Autumn_Winter 2020According to theoretical view of Habermas on “relation between ethics and politics” in history of western political thought, the ethics and politics in classic era and aristotelian tradition are ingrained around the concept of welfare, because the ethics defines the wel MoreAccording to theoretical view of Habermas on “relation between ethics and politics” in history of western political thought, the ethics and politics in classic era and aristotelian tradition are ingrained around the concept of welfare, because the ethics defines the welfare and the politics serves as achieving welfare concept. Although, in the modern political thought and in Hobbsian tradition, the ethics and politics are seperated from each other, because the politics defines its goal, not as prospering and giving excellence to its citizens, but as controlling and managing the human instinct for the creation of “security” and achieving “prosperity”. With this description and according to the theoretical framework of Habermas, the present paper believes that in the views of Frankfurt school intellectuals, the ethics and politics merge around the ethical concept like the classic tradition, the only difference is that the joining of ethics and politics is not “prosperity" concept but it is the “salvation” concepts; the concept that is compatible with “excellence concept”. We should add this point that any of this school intellectuals considers the “salvation” achievement way in its special mechanism. Horkhimer, “the objective intellect”, Adorno, “aeshetics”, Markoze, “the intellectual reconstruction of society”And Hobermas, “the dialogue” is the way of achieving the salvation. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
4 - Civil Relation and Empowerment: Comparative Study of Hannah Arendt and Amartya Sen
attaallah karimzadeh A mIssue 26 , Vol. 14 , Autumn_Winter 2020Hannah Ardent as a political philosopher, offering the concept of “civic virtue” and criticizing Liberal democracy, tried to constitute a way of good life in her time. In her version of civic virtue, human as a citizen should be able to secure his/her liberty and equali MoreHannah Ardent as a political philosopher, offering the concept of “civic virtue” and criticizing Liberal democracy, tried to constitute a way of good life in her time. In her version of civic virtue, human as a citizen should be able to secure his/her liberty and equality, in a context of dialogue and interaction. On the other hand, Amartya Sen in his human development approach, tried to moralize economy in context of Political thought by taking a critical view toward the concept of modernization and economic development. Sen, with the concept of Empowerment, introduced development as freedom, and considered Empowerment as a road to freedom. This notion takes place in an equal and moral context in which each entity of humankind, besides being an agent and capable toward others, has the possibility of dialogue and discussion in democratic situation. In this article, we propose that how the concept of civic virtue in Hannah Ardent has related to human development approach in Amartya Sen, considering human agency in the context. Based on the mentioned question, we assume that the human development approach is in line with civic virtue; which in both the essential priority is human agency. We show that from a civic viewpoint, Empowerment in the context of understanding and interaction has common conceptual and practical grounds with civic virtue as citizenship responsibility in context of dialogue and interaction. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
5 - Republicanism’s Status in Mohammad Ali Forogh’ political thought
Rouzbeh Parham nia Iraj RanjbarIssue 24 , Vol. 13 , Autumn_Winter 2020Investigating the relationship between monarchy and republicanism in Mohammad Ali Forouqi's political thought is the purpose of the present research. The opposition of monarchy and republicanism, as two politically distinct models for regulating power_based terms and re MoreInvestigating the relationship between monarchy and republicanism in Mohammad Ali Forouqi's political thought is the purpose of the present research. The opposition of monarchy and republicanism, as two politically distinct models for regulating power_based terms and relationships within human society has been one of the oldest intellectual conflicts in the domain of political thought. Possessing some realistic insights, Forouqi considers unsociability and irregularity as parts of primary nature of human beings; some violent nature contaminated by lethal instincts of self-conceit and selfishness, ambition of which seems to be endless unless it is overshadowed by some monarchical systems and governance by clever and pretentious kings. Monarchy was not considered as an ideal perfection by Forouqi, but his pessimistic view of humans, on one hand, and social circumstances and political chaos prevailing during his time, on the other hand, led him to perceive politically that the grounds for republicanism_based political order would be provided solely by destroying primary nature and essence of humans and replacing them with secondary nature under monarchical systems. With such a perception of monarchy_republicanism relationship within political thought in mind, present research examines mentioned dichotomous position in the realm of Forouqi’s political thought. By applying Sprigens’ theoretical framework, this research concludes that through observing and recognizing crisis and suffering prevailing on the society he was living in, Forouqi identified political order of monarchy as an interest_based requirement appropriate to Iranian society while his politically ideal norm was formed by his deep cognition of the logic governing modern terms and relations and emergence of a novel order based on the rule of law; A norm that, in his view, would result in mere political chaos and instability within a society lacking primary components of republicanism_based political order. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
6 - Factors and barriers affecting the Rolling of civic institutions In the efficiency of the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran
Issue 27 , Vol. 14 , Spring_Summer 2020Civic institutions play an important role in the efficiency of governments. The World Bank data and the emphasis of global theorists on the role of civic institutions demonstrate the importance of these institutions. In Iran, too, civil society organizations are more or MoreCivic institutions play an important role in the efficiency of governments. The World Bank data and the emphasis of global theorists on the role of civic institutions demonstrate the importance of these institutions. In Iran, too, civil society organizations are more or less active in various fields and can play an effective role in government efficiency. But for effective rolling, we need to fully understand the obstacles and factors affecting this rolling according to the experience of civil society activists. In this article, using the available documentary sources, the existing civil institutions with national scope were identified. Then, with the opinion of experts in this field and using the Delphi technique, eleven civil institutions were selected in three groups: cultural, social and economic. In the next stage, eleven focus group meetings were held with at least five activists from each of the civil institutions and government experts in the relevant field and academic experts. In these meetings, the effective factors and obstacles of the role of civic institutions in the efficiency of the government were discussed, and the discussions were put on paper and coded, and the coding went to the stage of saturation. According to the data obtained in the previous stage, the key points of the focus meetings were extracted, which finally in a separate category of effective factors and effective barriers, 23 effective factors and 46 effective barriers in the rolling of civic institutions on government efficiency were extracted. According to the results of the previous stage, it was found that the most important factor in the role of civic institutions in government efficiency is the government itself and the government is not interested in playing an effective role of civic institutions and if the government allows, civil institutions will play a very effective role in government efficiency. Also, according to the results of this study, barriers affecting the role of civic institutions in government efficiency are more important than effective factors. This shows a kind of distrust and pessimism of the government towards civil institutions. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
7 - Language, Power and Ideology in Norman Fairclough’s ‘Critical’ Approach to Discourse Analysis
جهانگیر جهانگیری علی بندرریگیزادهIssue 14 , Vol. 8 , Autumn_Winter 2020Critical discourse analysis (CDA) started in the early 1990s and has become a well-established field in the social science in the twenty-first century .CDA can be defined as a problem-oriented interdisciplinary research program. In general, power, and especially institu MoreCritical discourse analysis (CDA) started in the early 1990s and has become a well-established field in the social science in the twenty-first century .CDA can be defined as a problem-oriented interdisciplinary research program. In general, power, and especially institutionally reproduced power, is central to CDA. The purpose of CDA is to analyze opaque as well as transparent structural relationships of dominance, discrimination, power and control as manifested in language. CDA states that discourse is an instrument of power. The way this instrument of power works is often hard to understand, and CDA aims to make it more visible and transparent. A critical discourse analysis should not be a discourse analysis that reacts against power alone. It should be an analysis of power effects, of the outcome of power, of what power does to people, groups, and societies, and of how this impact comes about. The deepest effect of power everywhere is inequality, as power differentiates and selects, includes and excludes. CDA is an approach to the analysis of discourse which views language as a social practice and is interested in the ways that ideologies and power relations are expressed through language. It wants to understand how language is used to create, maintain and challenge power relationships and ideologies. Norman Fairclough is one of the most famous thinkers of CDA. He seeks to develop ways of analyzing language which address its involvement in the working of contemporary capitalist societies. He is working in a tradition of critical social research which is focused on better understanding of how and why contemporary capitalism prevents or limits, as well as in certain respects facilitating, human well-being and flourishing. Such understanding may, in favorable circumstances, contribute to overcoming or at least mitigating these obstacles and limits. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
8 - The multi-layer model of analysis of 11th presidential elections
saeed narimanIssue 19 , Vol. 10 , Spring_Summer 2020the presidential elections in Iran have always surprised the political analysts and experts. Through the analytical investigations of 11th presidential elections of Iran , both at the level of Iranian and also foreign analysts, it has become clear that the most of this Morethe presidential elections in Iran have always surprised the political analysts and experts. Through the analytical investigations of 11th presidential elections of Iran , both at the level of Iranian and also foreign analysts, it has become clear that the most of this surprise is due to the one-factor and one- dimensional analyses and there is no model that can investigate all effective layers and dimensions in the elections’ results. So this essay is determined to study the 11th elections by means of 3-layer model that its most internal layer is discursive level of elections, its medial layer is based on the relative deprivation theory that tries to illustrate the social and economic circumstances of society and its outset layer, studies the description of the field level of elections and presents the personal, political and social factors that are effective in the elections results Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
9 - From Market Defeat to Government DefeatMarket-inclined and Government-inclined Controversy in Modern Age
حجت کاظمیIssue 18 , Vol. 10 , Autumn_Winter 2020From controversial view that has been flowing with regard to governmental interference and market freedom since three last centuries, two approaches can be identified: market-inclined and gvernment-inclined. This distinction is based on the weight that each approach ass MoreFrom controversial view that has been flowing with regard to governmental interference and market freedom since three last centuries, two approaches can be identified: market-inclined and gvernment-inclined. This distinction is based on the weight that each approach assigns to one of these two institutions and its capacities for achievement of optimal economical efficiency. Controversy on this issue has a deep idealogic nature more than anything else and each approach tries to form historical evidence in their favors. In this paper, in addition to proposing the historical process of two approaches’ controversy and their internal varieties, we prove that in the shadow of achievements and failures of two approaches on one hand and proposing the alternative theoretical patterns and formation of developmental successful experience outside of conventional experiences that documented by two controversy parties on other hand, the grounds of the new pattern proposition of governmental interfernce extent have been provided since 1990 decade until now. The institution-inclined approach focusing on the topic of “quality” of interference instead of “quantity” of governmental interference is looking beyond the mentioned ideologic controversy and theorizing aboat the method and quality of positive governmental interaction with market institutions. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
10 - Political Ideonomy of "Basic Needs" model (the relationship between development and political thought in Basic Needs model 1(
مهدی مظفری نیاIssue 22 , Vol. 12 , Autumn_Winter 2020The condition of success and reasons of failure of development strategies and plans, has been one of the most important “development studies” issues. It has been explained in different ways; such as that there is strong relationship between efficiency of development str MoreThe condition of success and reasons of failure of development strategies and plans, has been one of the most important “development studies” issues. It has been explained in different ways; such as that there is strong relationship between efficiency of development strategies and plans and development theories. According of paradigmatic-implicative theory, which has explained the relation of development theories and political thought and identifies the development theory as one of the practical implication of political thought, one of the conditions of success of development strategies and development plans can be referred to the political thought foundation. So we explore the political thought supporting the Basic Needs model. We use “qualitative content analysis” method for showing the political foundation of Basic Needs model, which is one of the most important development models In 1970s, is based on “the least advantaged are benefitted and not hurt or forgotten”, in correspondence with John Rawls's "Justice as Fair". Manuscript profile
