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Pazhūhish-i Źabān va Adabiyyāt-i Farsī
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1 - The Possibility of Proposing the History of the Excluded in the Thought of Gianni Vattimo
kamyar safaei Abbas ManouchehriIssue 33 , Vol. 18 , Spring_Summer 2023The critique of the progress-based philosophy of history has been one of the most significant themes of the contemporary political philosophy. It has revealed, In the aftermath of the researches that have accomplished in the field of post-colonial studies, that unilinea MoreThe critique of the progress-based philosophy of history has been one of the most significant themes of the contemporary political philosophy. It has revealed, In the aftermath of the researches that have accomplished in the field of post-colonial studies, that unilinear history has heavy eurocentric presuppositions that have been at the service of the real history of the suppression of the non-western excluded people. Furthermore the concrete elements of the dissolution of the western progress- based history of philosophy and accordingly the possibility of proposing the history of the excluded such as the decline of the colonialism and the formation of nation-states have been discussed in these researches. In this paper, however, firstly we are trying, on the basis of the Thought of contemporary philosopher Gianni Vattimo, to go beyond the merely concrete discussion about this topic and reveal the ontological impossibility of metaphysical/ universal and progress-based philosophy of history, through demonstrating the relation between progress-based philosophy of history and objectivistic metaphysics. Secondly, on the basis of this point and through the hermeneutic nihilism, we want to present the idea of post-history as the theoretical ground for the possibility of proposing the history of the excluded. Manuscript profile -
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2 - Capability-Virtue Political Judgment in the Thought of "Martha Nussbaum"
Mahmoud Alipour Saiedalireza HosseinibeheshtiIssue 33 , Vol. 18 , Spring_Summer 2023One of the issues raised in the late political philosophy is the revival of the linguistic concept called "political judgment". Political judgment can be considered as the expression of one's understanding and perception of a political event or situation. Based on this MoreOne of the issues raised in the late political philosophy is the revival of the linguistic concept called "political judgment". Political judgment can be considered as the expression of one's understanding and perception of a political event or situation. Based on this definition, the essence ofPolitical thingis defined based on speech, decision and judgment in political life. Historically/ conceptually, political Judgment has gone through two major Transformation. One: in the form of Platonic awe and following predetermined criteria (idea-centric), And the second in the form of devalued face of the world of politics and centralization, interpretation and benefit of man as the standard of everything (relativistic). Nussbaum's normative approach proposes a third and distinct type of judgment under the title of "virtuosity-ability". Therefore, the question arises, what is the nature of political Judgment in Nussbaum's thought, and where is the position of "ability-virtue" in it? In her view, political judgment is related to "valuable and virtuous political feelings and emotions", and on the other hand, to "capability approach" in the sense of what citizens can and should do. From this point of view, Nussbaum tries to criticize the standard-oriented and non-normative Judgment by proposing political liberalism against comprehensive liberalism. And on the other hand, she is against imposing those judgments on the political decision-making situations of citizens. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
3 - A Comparative Study of Rorty’s Irony and Foucault’s Parrhesia
MohammadReza Sedghi Rezvani Seyed Mohammad Ali TaghaviIssue 33 , Vol. 18 , Spring_Summer 2023Irony is one of the constitutive concepts in Richard Rorty’s pragmatism. The ironist is his ideal type of the person: self-creative and self-conscious, aware of his own contingency, anti-foundationalist, and always ready to revise his account of the self and the world r MoreIrony is one of the constitutive concepts in Richard Rorty’s pragmatism. The ironist is his ideal type of the person: self-creative and self-conscious, aware of his own contingency, anti-foundationalist, and always ready to revise his account of the self and the world radically. Michel Foucault, on the other hand, is concerned with the concept parrhesia. Parrhesiastes is a type of person comparable to the ironist. Hence, the main question in this paper is: what are the similarities and differences between the Rorty’s ironist and Foucault’s parrhesiastes. We will see that while the ironist is keen to confine irony to the private realm, in order not to humiliate anybody, the parrhesiastes has no reluctance to go beyond the limits of the private, and to speak the truth. He does not avoid the risk of saying the truth to those in power even at the cost of his life, while the former is more cautious. Self-creation and autonomy is shared between the two types of personalities. Socrates is the embodiment of both personalities. He is praised as an ironist as well as a parrhesiastes. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
4 - The Duality of Right and Good: From the Old Opposition to the New Combination in Rawls's Theory of Justice
Afshin Habibzadeh reza akbari nori Seyyed Khodayar Mortazavi AslIssue 33 , Vol. 18 , Spring_Summer 2023Establishing the concept and system of justice has been one of the important subjects of political thought and philosophy and ethics since ancient times. In the history of thought, most of the beliefs about justice have been based on a great idea of good and sometimes t MoreEstablishing the concept and system of justice has been one of the important subjects of political thought and philosophy and ethics since ancient times. In the history of thought, most of the beliefs about justice have been based on a great idea of good and sometimes they have provided some preliminaries about good from which a system of right and justice can be deduced. However, the opposition between right and good as concepts that lead to two different systems of justice has been one of the important and long-standing topics of political thought. The importance of the discussion is that the conceptual superiority of one over the other can have wide consequences in the socio-political life of a society. In the discussions of contemporaries, the distinction or opposition of these two concepts was at the center of the debate between the schools of consequentialism and dutyism: consequentialists consider good to be the first and right actions are those that lead to good; Duties put the right first, consider it independent of good, and even prohibit the actions leading to good when they are exposed to fundamental moral rules. But John Rawls tried to propose a combination of the concepts of right and good in his theory of justice in such a way that right can be deduced from the ideas of good, and good is subject to the justice system as a branch of the concept of right. John Rawls's system of justice is a political system based on a political conception of justice that tries to provide an explanation of the requirements for realizing the greatest possible freedom and equality for the citizens of a democratic society. In fact, this structure can be considered as the "rule of law" which both enables the freedom of citizens to pursue their own good and sets limits for it so as not to violate the principles of justice. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
5 - Paradigmatic Shifts and the Emergence of the Modern Western Nation-State
Saeed Attar Mohammad kamalizadehIssue 33 , Vol. 18 , Spring_Summer 2023In this research, we aim to trace the various paths that ultimately led to the emergence of the modern nation-state and its implications in contemporary political structures worldwide. What we now recognize as the modern nation-state, which continues to exist in various MoreIn this research, we aim to trace the various paths that ultimately led to the emergence of the modern nation-state and its implications in contemporary political structures worldwide. What we now recognize as the modern nation-state, which continues to exist in various forms of political systems, has its roots in ancient and gradual transformations in the West (Europe). These developments can be depicted as a paradigmatic narrative of the dialectic of needs and responses. This narrative begins with ancient Greece and its devotion to rationality and freedom, and continues along different paths, on the one hand, with modern evangelical traditions and the exploration of Roman legal structures, and on the other hand, by passing through historical, social, political, and economic contexts, the great Western powers (England, France, Germany, and the United States) have pursued different paths towards the emergence of the modern state. In retracing these various paths, we have utilized Kuhn's paradigmatic approach. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
6 - The Reason for the Lack of Aristotelian Political Philosophy Over the Orbit of Thought in the Islamic World, the Middle Ages
Mohammad Osmani eslami eslamiIssue 33 , Vol. 18 , Spring_Summer 2023Islamic civilization in the second century AH was accompanied by the transfer of various sciences from Greece to Iranian civilization and from there to the Islamic world. In the process of the construction of objective structures, such as the government, it took its men MoreIslamic civilization in the second century AH was accompanied by the transfer of various sciences from Greece to Iranian civilization and from there to the Islamic world. In the process of the construction of objective structures, such as the government, it took its mental support from Greece and Plato and Aristotelian philosophy. Along the way, because of the characteristics of Arab culture and its religious elements, as well as the experience of Iranshahr that was being transmitted to the Islamic world, Plato's philosophy and apostasy were taken into account on the metaphysical basis, while Aristotelian philosophy, which is close to realism, became a state of thought. That is to say, the difficulties of the political are not thought of in the orbit of Aristotelian philosophy, but from the point of view of Platonic political philosophy. From this perspective, the question is why was the political philosophy in the process ignored? How would the objective structures of Islamic civilization be organized if Aristotelian political philosophy? The hypothesis in this article is that in Islamic civilization, there were subjective structures and structures that marginalized Aristotelian political philosophy. Intellectual structures such as mental duality, along with the domination of religious ideas, led to the manifestation of structures influenced by this notion in the political arena. Religious thought and mythical ideas were a fundamental factor in the tendency to think about the political and government structure. Of course, the experience of governing in the Iranian life of the Sassanid era, where neo-lauretism was the intellectual support of solving political difficulties, was also favored by Muslims as a model for thinking of social hardships. But on the contrary, Aristotelian philosophy, based on social realities and rational approach, was marginalized in the process. To this end, we analyze the subject with the Wittgenstein Interpretative Approach. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
7 - The Conceptual Course of the Limitation of Power in the Political Thought of the Qajar Era (Transition Process from Authoritarian Monarchy to Constitutional Monarchy)
Abialghasem Shahryari Seyed Hossein Athari mohsen khalili mahdi najafzadehIssue 33 , Vol. 18 , Spring_Summer 2023Investigating the history of the political thought of power limitation in the Qajar era, which led to the constitutional monarchy, is the aim of the present study, and the question has been raised that what process the concept of constitutional monarchy goes through as MoreInvestigating the history of the political thought of power limitation in the Qajar era, which led to the constitutional monarchy, is the aim of the present study, and the question has been raised that what process the concept of constitutional monarchy goes through as the final manifestation of the power limitation in the Qajar era. Skinner's research program was selected as the basis of the research, which believes in the historical course of thought, and considers it identifiable through linguistic conventions. The result of the study shows that the constitutional monarchy is the result of the development of three linguistic covenants in the limitation of power: the limitation of power first entered the field of Iranian political thought during the reign of Feth Ali Shah as the limited king, and then in the Nasrid era with two covenants of absolute monarchy. And moderate monarchy developed. The final course of the idea of power limitation was in the era of Mozaffari, when the continuation of the autocratic monarchy led to very unfavorable conditions in Iran and the transition from it was considered a constitutional monarchy. In Skinner's opinion, all the processes used to limit power in the Qajar era are corrective measures to legitimize the political system. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
8 - The Theoretical Underpinning of Political Culture of Elite Area and Good Governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran
hanieh graeeli korpi Masoud Motalebi Hosain Abolfazli Ali SalehifarsaniIssue 33 , Vol. 18 , Spring_Summer 2023Good governance refers to achieving the rule of law, transparency, accountability, participation, equality, efficiency, effectiveness, accountability, individual freedom, press freedom, and active civil society. Along with these prerequisites, political culture, and in MoreGood governance refers to achieving the rule of law, transparency, accountability, participation, equality, efficiency, effectiveness, accountability, individual freedom, press freedom, and active civil society. Along with these prerequisites, political culture, and in particular the political culture of the elites, is crucial in institutionalizing the principles of good governance, especially in developing countries. This subject has drawn the attention of certain good governance studies academics in recent decades. The results showed that if the political culture of the elites is democratic or accepts at least some minimal democratic values, it can act as the basis for advancing democracy or political development in the sense of raising political participation and competition. In societies where, for various and complex reasons, the political culture of the elites is anti-participatory in the sense of being anti-democratic, authoritarian political structures and an ideology consistent with it can pose a significant barrier to the advancement of democratic indicators. A political culture that is authoritarian and non-participatory acts as a factor that hinders political development. In contrast, democratic and participatory ideals and attitudes significantly influence a country's political development. This is more evident in emerging nations when elite political culture has a more robust coefficient of determination. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
9 - Transition from Monarchical Rule to Innovative Governance Based on the Techniques of Transparency and Control (From Abbas Mirza to Amir Kabir)
hadi keshavarzIssue 33 , Vol. 18 , Spring_Summer 2023This study aims to analyze the governance patterns in Iran before and after the Iran-Russia wars, and their relationship with the environment. Two major governance patterns and two different rationalities in the exercise of power, in terms of method, scope, and perspect MoreThis study aims to analyze the governance patterns in Iran before and after the Iran-Russia wars, and their relationship with the environment. Two major governance patterns and two different rationalities in the exercise of power, in terms of method, scope, and perspective, are discussed. Using a descriptive-analytical approach and documents, the governance process is examined from the perspective of Michel Foucault's governmentality framework, and the relationship between the environment, politics, and the formation of a new rationality in governance in Iran is explored. The research question is: "How did the formation and establishment of new governance mechanisms and techniques in Iran after the Iran-Russia wars take place, and what impact did it have on the relationship between the environment, politics, and the formation of new governance innovations in Iran? " The study argues that "with an awareness of the failure of governance based on the monarchy system, reformists gradually exposed society to the power of control and guidance of the population by creating new techniques and institutions, and established new governance innovations. " In general, two strategies can be identified in the administration of the territory after the Iran-Russia wars: the traditional strategy of the monarchy based on divine-political obligation and the strategy of new governance innovations based on new techniques, each leaving a different form of the relationship between the environment and politics in terms of the mode of exercising power, the scope of power, and the control perspective. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
10 - From "Essentialism" to "Historical Hybridity”: "The Contribution of the East in a Civilizational Analysis From the Perspective of Comparative Sociology
Ebrahim Abbassi Adel NematiIssue 33 , Vol. 18 , Spring_Summer 2023In this paper, we attempt to demonstrate that the theoretical framework of "Historical Essentialism" (negation of the West and articulation of oneself as the Western other) used by some Iranian researchers as the basis for the conceptualization of the contrast between t MoreIn this paper, we attempt to demonstrate that the theoretical framework of "Historical Essentialism" (negation of the West and articulation of oneself as the Western other) used by some Iranian researchers as the basis for the conceptualization of the contrast between the geography of the East against the geography of the West, results in no more than the reproduction of the evil cycle of the duality of "Orientalism" and "Eurocentrism" in civilizational analysis. The fundamental question is how, in the era of Western modernity's domination, can we, as non-Westerners, articulate our own civilization based on our historical and geographical characteristics? The hypothesis of this research is that a non-western subject as a solution cannot assume the role of being "other" of the western modernity's civilizational order in the form of "Historical Essentialism". The essentialist strategy has no solution other than reproducing the same vocabulary of Western academic Orientalism as the historical essence of the East. On the contrary, a non-western subject can form their civilizational order based on the historical and geographical vocabulary of their societies by using a common global heritage that connects them with the western subject, in the form of a "Historical Hybridity". The findings of this article show that the late works of Samuel Eisenstadt about "comparative sociology based on civilizational analysis" is the most applicable theory to investigate this claim. This theory, while acknowledging a shared heritage as "conditions of possibility for civilizational order" in world history, emphasizes pluralistic "articulations of civilizational order" and the absence of a hegemonic civilizational order in world history that could claim "legitimacy. " This paper presents the conceptual framework of "Historical Hybridity " as a replacement for "Historical Essentialism that is presented in Shayegan's "Asia versus the West". The meaning of "Historical Hybridity" is not to express a "unidirectional evolutionary" relationship between Western and non-Western societies, that non-Western societies must necessarily follow the same path as Western societies in the articulation of their social formations; Rather, on the contrary, it seeks a "global history without a center" in which Western and non-Western people could on the basis of a common and hybrid heritage, speak independently based on the historical and geographical singularities of their societies and produce different formations of civilizational order at the level their societies' history. In other words, "Historical Hybridity" is a "unity in diversity. " The method of this article involves the history of ideas or the history of thought based on the comparative sociology approach and data collection method is referring to the original sources of civilizational order theorists. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
11 - Theory of Revolution in the Prism of Historical Sociology of International Relations (HSIR)
Mehdi Zibaei Shahla NajafiIssue 33 , Vol. 18 , Spring_Summer 2023The literature on revolution has gone through four theoretical waves in explaining diverse revolutions. Although these waves belong to different terms, all of them have essentialist ontology and they are seeking to find impressive attributes in breaking out and prosperi MoreThe literature on revolution has gone through four theoretical waves in explaining diverse revolutions. Although these waves belong to different terms, all of them have essentialist ontology and they are seeking to find impressive attributes in breaking out and prospering incidents. The precedent for bringing revolutions into focus in Historical Sociology (HS) turns to Brinton Moor, Charles Tilly, and ThedaSkocpol endeavors that by concentrating on structure and interior causation paid less attention to exterior conditions; but their works broke the closed-loop and made a weak relation between revolutions and international. However their manners in methodological point of view were closely connected with previous theoretical waves; since from HS perspective, the revolutions are stemmed from accumulated incidents which are made from social relations within a supranational context. The object of the current work is to examine the evolution of the international factor in revolution theories in the light of historical sociology theorists. According to the findings, the international factor has gone through three major evolutions in the insight of historical sociology theorists. First, in the 70s, from a structural point of view, it refers to the influence of the international system on revolutions. Second, the international factor enters the text from the margins of the relevant literature, and the inter-state perspective is highlighted; in the transition to the third step, not only inter-state communication is considered, but the inter-social attitude and the relations between the people and the network. Manuscript profile -
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12 - Relation of Bio-Politics to Global Discourses; Liberalism, Totalitarianism, and Security
Fateh Moradi Abasali RahbarIssue 33 , Vol. 18 , Spring_Summer 2023The main aim of this paper is to investigate Liberalism, Totalitarianism, and security as discourses that related to Bio-Politics. The goal of discourse is making subject that is identified by his/her norms and controls in daily life. In this current text we want to rev MoreThe main aim of this paper is to investigate Liberalism, Totalitarianism, and security as discourses that related to Bio-Politics. The goal of discourse is making subject that is identified by his/her norms and controls in daily life. In this current text we want to reveal relation of mentioned discourses to bio-politics and body-politics. Relation of discourses to body- politics have been developing in twenty century in theories and multiple texts. On the considering this texts, legislations and actions that tending to classification of bodies and population is one of main preoccupation of discourses in recent century. Norms of economical body or body which should be a productive body of capital, other body and security comes of mentioned discourses. Part of often researches have used to Michael Foucault though, therefore in recent text we used genealogy. So, our hypothesis is the Liberalism, Totalitarianism, and security are strongly to bio-politics, and originally they comes of elements of bio-politics. Consequently, current systems has been founded as bio-political discourses, due to accruing global/ local subjects. Manuscript profile
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1 - Political Ideonomy of Human Development Theory and Extracting its Policy Implications in Higher Education
reza mahidiIssue 27 , Vol. 14 , Spring_Summer 2020The dominant idea of development as economic growth has considered the formation of human capital for achieving the end of economic growth as the main function of higher education institutions in the development process. But the empirical failure of this overly simplifi MoreThe dominant idea of development as economic growth has considered the formation of human capital for achieving the end of economic growth as the main function of higher education institutions in the development process. But the empirical failure of this overly simplified idea and the emergence of other critical development theories have brought the necessity of applying different policy priorities in reconsidering the role of key institutions such as higher education to the fore. The purpose of this article is to study human development theory from the viewpoint of political thought and extract its policy implications in the realm of higher education; Thus the implicative narrative theory has been used as a conceptual framework and implication research as a methodology. According to the findings of the article, the political thought of the human development theory by going beyond the binary of individual and society, structure and agency, fact and value, the private and common good, or state and market, has emphasized and concentrated on their complementary role in designing and evaluating a good society. In addition to the importance of higher education institutions in human capital formation for achieving the end of economic growth, human development theory highlights the other key and neglected functions of higher education such as developing freedom, democracy, and social justice in the development process. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
2 - Theology and Politics in Political Thought of Frankfurt School
Iraj RanjbarIssue 18 , Vol. 10 , Autumn_Winter 2020According to theoretical view of Habermas on “relation between ethics and politics” in history of western political thought, the ethics and politics in classic era and aristotelian tradition are ingrained around the concept of welfare, because the ethics defines the wel MoreAccording to theoretical view of Habermas on “relation between ethics and politics” in history of western political thought, the ethics and politics in classic era and aristotelian tradition are ingrained around the concept of welfare, because the ethics defines the welfare and the politics serves as achieving welfare concept. Although, in the modern political thought and in Hobbsian tradition, the ethics and politics are seperated from each other, because the politics defines its goal, not as prospering and giving excellence to its citizens, but as controlling and managing the human instinct for the creation of “security” and achieving “prosperity”. With this description and according to the theoretical framework of Habermas, the present paper believes that in the views of Frankfurt school intellectuals, the ethics and politics merge around the ethical concept like the classic tradition, the only difference is that the joining of ethics and politics is not “prosperity" concept but it is the “salvation” concepts; the concept that is compatible with “excellence concept”. We should add this point that any of this school intellectuals considers the “salvation” achievement way in its special mechanism. Horkhimer, “the objective intellect”, Adorno, “aeshetics”, Markoze, “the intellectual reconstruction of society”And Hobermas, “the dialogue” is the way of achieving the salvation. Manuscript profile -
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3 - Civil Relation and Empowerment: Comparative Study of Hannah Arendt and Amartya Sen
attaallah karimzadeh A mIssue 26 , Vol. 14 , Autumn_Winter 2020Hannah Ardent as a political philosopher, offering the concept of “civic virtue” and criticizing Liberal democracy, tried to constitute a way of good life in her time. In her version of civic virtue, human as a citizen should be able to secure his/her liberty and equali MoreHannah Ardent as a political philosopher, offering the concept of “civic virtue” and criticizing Liberal democracy, tried to constitute a way of good life in her time. In her version of civic virtue, human as a citizen should be able to secure his/her liberty and equality, in a context of dialogue and interaction. On the other hand, Amartya Sen in his human development approach, tried to moralize economy in context of Political thought by taking a critical view toward the concept of modernization and economic development. Sen, with the concept of Empowerment, introduced development as freedom, and considered Empowerment as a road to freedom. This notion takes place in an equal and moral context in which each entity of humankind, besides being an agent and capable toward others, has the possibility of dialogue and discussion in democratic situation. In this article, we propose that how the concept of civic virtue in Hannah Ardent has related to human development approach in Amartya Sen, considering human agency in the context. Based on the mentioned question, we assume that the human development approach is in line with civic virtue; which in both the essential priority is human agency. We show that from a civic viewpoint, Empowerment in the context of understanding and interaction has common conceptual and practical grounds with civic virtue as citizenship responsibility in context of dialogue and interaction. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
4 - Republicanism’s Status in Mohammad Ali Forogh’ political thought
Rouzbeh Parham nia Iraj RanjbarIssue 24 , Vol. 13 , Autumn_Winter 2020Investigating the relationship between monarchy and republicanism in Mohammad Ali Forouqi's political thought is the purpose of the present research. The opposition of monarchy and republicanism, as two politically distinct models for regulating power_based terms and re MoreInvestigating the relationship between monarchy and republicanism in Mohammad Ali Forouqi's political thought is the purpose of the present research. The opposition of monarchy and republicanism, as two politically distinct models for regulating power_based terms and relationships within human society has been one of the oldest intellectual conflicts in the domain of political thought. Possessing some realistic insights, Forouqi considers unsociability and irregularity as parts of primary nature of human beings; some violent nature contaminated by lethal instincts of self-conceit and selfishness, ambition of which seems to be endless unless it is overshadowed by some monarchical systems and governance by clever and pretentious kings. Monarchy was not considered as an ideal perfection by Forouqi, but his pessimistic view of humans, on one hand, and social circumstances and political chaos prevailing during his time, on the other hand, led him to perceive politically that the grounds for republicanism_based political order would be provided solely by destroying primary nature and essence of humans and replacing them with secondary nature under monarchical systems. With such a perception of monarchy_republicanism relationship within political thought in mind, present research examines mentioned dichotomous position in the realm of Forouqi’s political thought. By applying Sprigens’ theoretical framework, this research concludes that through observing and recognizing crisis and suffering prevailing on the society he was living in, Forouqi identified political order of monarchy as an interest_based requirement appropriate to Iranian society while his politically ideal norm was formed by his deep cognition of the logic governing modern terms and relations and emergence of a novel order based on the rule of law; A norm that, in his view, would result in mere political chaos and instability within a society lacking primary components of republicanism_based political order. Manuscript profile -
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5 - Political Ideonomy of "Basic Needs" model (the relationship between development and political thought in Basic Needs model 1(
مهدی مظفری نیاIssue 22 , Vol. 12 , Autumn_Winter 2020The condition of success and reasons of failure of development strategies and plans, has been one of the most important “development studies” issues. It has been explained in different ways; such as that there is strong relationship between efficiency of development str MoreThe condition of success and reasons of failure of development strategies and plans, has been one of the most important “development studies” issues. It has been explained in different ways; such as that there is strong relationship between efficiency of development strategies and plans and development theories. According of paradigmatic-implicative theory, which has explained the relation of development theories and political thought and identifies the development theory as one of the practical implication of political thought, one of the conditions of success of development strategies and development plans can be referred to the political thought foundation. So we explore the political thought supporting the Basic Needs model. We use “qualitative content analysis” method for showing the political foundation of Basic Needs model, which is one of the most important development models In 1970s, is based on “the least advantaged are benefitted and not hurt or forgotten”, in correspondence with John Rawls's "Justice as Fair". Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
6 - “Radical Liberal Democracy” as Foucault’s Alternative for Political Modernity
Ali SalehifarsaniIssue 25 , Vol. 13 , Spring_Summer 2019The goal of this article is an evaluation of concrete effect of Foucault’s fundamental and genealogical criticism of modernity, and examining Foucault’s ideas that signify the political system and agency. Foucault believes in the de-transcendentalization of power and kn MoreThe goal of this article is an evaluation of concrete effect of Foucault’s fundamental and genealogical criticism of modernity, and examining Foucault’s ideas that signify the political system and agency. Foucault believes in the de-transcendentalization of power and knowledge in modern era. The problem is the effect of acceptance of de-transcendentalization of power on political agency, state and governmentality. Foucault’s de-transcendental view does not consider the political as something that is related to sovereignty, and by placing it in an undeterministic framework that is simultaneously cultural and political, he calls it governmentality. Sovereignty doesn't exist in a de-transcendental framework as it may make a person inferior to do something that he wants himself. In contrast, governmentality effects on the practice of ruled, as this is context of self-changing and self-regulating in their everyday behaviors. However, they are not made to do a work that they do not like, but power exercises freely and through the objectification of the subject over them. In response to this problem, Morris Barbie's theory of political modernity, applied as heuristic device for definition of the political and method of application is Arthur Lovejoy's history of ideas. The theory of political modernity prompts dichotomy of freedom-subjugation in two dimensions of state and civil society, in so that correspond with liberal democracy system through priority of subjugation. Hypothesis of this article is that Foucault’s belif that political modernity and liberal democracy system prompts the priority of subjugation and it leads to radical liberal democracy. Manuscript profile -
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7 - The multi-layer model of analysis of 11th presidential elections
saeed narimanIssue 19 , Vol. 10 , Spring_Summer 2020the presidential elections in Iran have always surprised the political analysts and experts. Through the analytical investigations of 11th presidential elections of Iran , both at the level of Iranian and also foreign analysts, it has become clear that the most of this Morethe presidential elections in Iran have always surprised the political analysts and experts. Through the analytical investigations of 11th presidential elections of Iran , both at the level of Iranian and also foreign analysts, it has become clear that the most of this surprise is due to the one-factor and one- dimensional analyses and there is no model that can investigate all effective layers and dimensions in the elections’ results. So this essay is determined to study the 11th elections by means of 3-layer model that its most internal layer is discursive level of elections, its medial layer is based on the relative deprivation theory that tries to illustrate the social and economic circumstances of society and its outset layer, studies the description of the field level of elections and presents the personal, political and social factors that are effective in the elections results Manuscript profile -
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8 - Factors and barriers affecting the Rolling of civic institutions In the efficiency of the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran
Issue 27 , Vol. 14 , Spring_Summer 2020Civic institutions play an important role in the efficiency of governments. The World Bank data and the emphasis of global theorists on the role of civic institutions demonstrate the importance of these institutions. In Iran, too, civil society organizations are more or MoreCivic institutions play an important role in the efficiency of governments. The World Bank data and the emphasis of global theorists on the role of civic institutions demonstrate the importance of these institutions. In Iran, too, civil society organizations are more or less active in various fields and can play an effective role in government efficiency. But for effective rolling, we need to fully understand the obstacles and factors affecting this rolling according to the experience of civil society activists. In this article, using the available documentary sources, the existing civil institutions with national scope were identified. Then, with the opinion of experts in this field and using the Delphi technique, eleven civil institutions were selected in three groups: cultural, social and economic. In the next stage, eleven focus group meetings were held with at least five activists from each of the civil institutions and government experts in the relevant field and academic experts. In these meetings, the effective factors and obstacles of the role of civic institutions in the efficiency of the government were discussed, and the discussions were put on paper and coded, and the coding went to the stage of saturation. According to the data obtained in the previous stage, the key points of the focus meetings were extracted, which finally in a separate category of effective factors and effective barriers, 23 effective factors and 46 effective barriers in the rolling of civic institutions on government efficiency were extracted. According to the results of the previous stage, it was found that the most important factor in the role of civic institutions in government efficiency is the government itself and the government is not interested in playing an effective role of civic institutions and if the government allows, civil institutions will play a very effective role in government efficiency. Also, according to the results of this study, barriers affecting the role of civic institutions in government efficiency are more important than effective factors. This shows a kind of distrust and pessimism of the government towards civil institutions. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
9 - Language, Power and Ideology in Norman Fairclough’s ‘Critical’ Approach to Discourse Analysis
جهانگیر جهانگیری علی بندرریگیزادهIssue 14 , Vol. 8 , Autumn_Winter 2020Critical discourse analysis (CDA) started in the early 1990s and has become a well-established field in the social science in the twenty-first century .CDA can be defined as a problem-oriented interdisciplinary research program. In general, power, and especially institu MoreCritical discourse analysis (CDA) started in the early 1990s and has become a well-established field in the social science in the twenty-first century .CDA can be defined as a problem-oriented interdisciplinary research program. In general, power, and especially institutionally reproduced power, is central to CDA. The purpose of CDA is to analyze opaque as well as transparent structural relationships of dominance, discrimination, power and control as manifested in language. CDA states that discourse is an instrument of power. The way this instrument of power works is often hard to understand, and CDA aims to make it more visible and transparent. A critical discourse analysis should not be a discourse analysis that reacts against power alone. It should be an analysis of power effects, of the outcome of power, of what power does to people, groups, and societies, and of how this impact comes about. The deepest effect of power everywhere is inequality, as power differentiates and selects, includes and excludes. CDA is an approach to the analysis of discourse which views language as a social practice and is interested in the ways that ideologies and power relations are expressed through language. It wants to understand how language is used to create, maintain and challenge power relationships and ideologies. Norman Fairclough is one of the most famous thinkers of CDA. He seeks to develop ways of analyzing language which address its involvement in the working of contemporary capitalist societies. He is working in a tradition of critical social research which is focused on better understanding of how and why contemporary capitalism prevents or limits, as well as in certain respects facilitating, human well-being and flourishing. Such understanding may, in favorable circumstances, contribute to overcoming or at least mitigating these obstacles and limits. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
10 - From Market Defeat to Government DefeatMarket-inclined and Government-inclined Controversy in Modern Age
حجت کاظمیIssue 18 , Vol. 10 , Autumn_Winter 2020From controversial view that has been flowing with regard to governmental interference and market freedom since three last centuries, two approaches can be identified: market-inclined and gvernment-inclined. This distinction is based on the weight that each approach ass MoreFrom controversial view that has been flowing with regard to governmental interference and market freedom since three last centuries, two approaches can be identified: market-inclined and gvernment-inclined. This distinction is based on the weight that each approach assigns to one of these two institutions and its capacities for achievement of optimal economical efficiency. Controversy on this issue has a deep idealogic nature more than anything else and each approach tries to form historical evidence in their favors. In this paper, in addition to proposing the historical process of two approaches’ controversy and their internal varieties, we prove that in the shadow of achievements and failures of two approaches on one hand and proposing the alternative theoretical patterns and formation of developmental successful experience outside of conventional experiences that documented by two controversy parties on other hand, the grounds of the new pattern proposition of governmental interfernce extent have been provided since 1990 decade until now. The institution-inclined approach focusing on the topic of “quality” of interference instead of “quantity” of governmental interference is looking beyond the mentioned ideologic controversy and theorizing aboat the method and quality of positive governmental interaction with market institutions. Manuscript profile
